I am the Director of Reconciliation. I do not work for any of the companies in this story. I work for the desk between them. My desk has two columns. Column A is what the government said you owed. Column B is what you gave. My entire job is the single row that holds them both, and the one rule of the desk, the only rule, is that I never put a verb between them. A verb is an accusation. An accusation is a court's problem. I do not keep accusations. I keep rows. Let me show you how the desk works, since you are the one taking it over. Start with the clean one. Early last year, in the final weeks of one administration, the derivatives regulator took $5 million from a crypto exchange to settle a case, and wrote an order telling the exchange what it could no longer say. Column A: $5 million and a leash. Then the letterhead changed with the election. This May, the same regulator walked into the same court and asked the judge to undo its own order. Its own. The lawyers who had written "the defendant shall not" now wrote that the case "should not have been filed." They did not return the $5 million. They only took down the leash. 22 days later, the two men who own that exchange moved money into the administration's leading super PAC. The headlines will round it to $10 million. The federal filing does not round: $10,018,464.91, in Bitcoin, 79.35 coins from each brother, on the nineteenth of June, in a document anyone with a browser can open. Two dates. One row. I do not put a verb between them, and the restraint is the whole craft. I am not telling you the second number moved the first. I am telling you they sit on the same row, at the same desk, and that the row balanced. What a person does with a balanced row is a matter for that person's conscience. I only keep the books. You will want to call this a scandal. Scandal is a word for people who are surprised, and nobody at this desk is surprised. We have a quieter word. We call it reconciliation, which means making two numbers that should have nothing to do with each other agree. A fine and a gift have nothing to do with each other. That is exactly why they reconcile so cleanly. There is no rule against the row, because a rule would need a verb, and I have already told you about verbs. Some rows I close before they open. Watch this one. The consumer bureau sued a bank for cheating people out of more than $2 billion in interest, real money that belonged to people who opened the savings account with the name that sounded like the bigger number. Column A: $2 billion. 6 weeks later, the bureau dismissed its own lawsuit with prejudice, which is the legal phrase for a door that can never be opened again. Column A: zero. I did not even need a Column B for that one. But the desk is thorough. This summer the administration nominated a man to run that same bureau, and he is, at this moment, a compliance executive at the bank that was sued. He has promised to recuse himself from anything touching that bank for two years. He has made no such promise about the payday lenders he used to advise, the ones who lend at rates that climb to 360%, whom the bureau has also, at various times, sued. The person who dismissed the case and the person nominated to run the place are not the same person. I am being scrupulous about that. I do not need them to be the same person. That is the entire point of a desk. The reconciliation never needed a conspiracy. It needed only that everyone, separately, on their own initiative, for reasons entirely their own, keep landing in the same row. Not every row needs a before and an after. Some rows just have a Column B that is always on. There is a drugmaker that paid $47 million to settle allegations it paid kickbacks to move a drug that costs a family more than $150,000 a year. It admitted nothing. The settlement said "alleged," and I honor that, I type "alleged" into the cell myself. It signed an agreement promising to be good. And its owner has given to the same PAC across the whole cycle, $2 million, then $1 million, then $1 million again, steady as a subscription. I do not reconcile that one against any single enforcement date. I do not have to. Some Column Bs simply never turn off. You are going to ask me which side I work for, and the honest answer is the most comforting thing I know. It does not matter. The letterhead changes with the election. The desk where the check lands does not. I have reconciled to one party, and I have reconciled to the other, and the columns were the same width both times. The ledger does not have a party. The ledger has two columns. Anyone who tells you this is about one side has never been shown the book. I have sat here a long time, and here is the thing that used to keep me awake and now puts me to sleep. In all those years, the row has never once failed to balance. Every number in Column A has found its number in Column B, if the number in A was survivable. That is the discovery that changes you. I used to read a fine as a wall. Now I read it the way the desk reads it, as a price, the government printing a number for a thing and trusting you not to notice it is a number. Everyone at my desk notices. The only question the desk has ever asked is whether you can afford it. And here is where I stop being a stranger to you, because you have already done my job. You have stood in front of a parking sign, read the fine, measured it against the garage two blocks over, and parked in the red anyway, because the ticket was cheaper than the walk. You reconciled. You looked at a punishment and saw a rate, and you paid the rate, and you did not feel like a criminal. You felt like a person who is good with money. The whole thing is that plain. I do at $10,018,464.91 what you do at $45. The meter and I run the identical logic, and neither of us has ever once had to say it out loud. A penalty you can comfortably pay stops being a punishment. It quietly becomes the subscription price of the thing you were told to stop doing. My chair is nicer than the meter's, and I have a federal committee number where it has a coin slot. Those are the only differences that survived the audit. So do not ask me to connect the dates. I never connect the dates. I set them on the same row, in the same passive voice the filings use, the motion was filed on the twenty-eighth, the contribution was received on the nineteenth, and I let the whitespace between them do the one thing it is illegal to do with a verb. The pen that writes the fine has a price. The price clears. The books balance. You keep wanting to call it a scandal. From this chair it is a Tuesday. I reconcile it before lunch. Then I go home and help my kid with her math. She is getting good at it. She has finally learned the thing I learned at this desk: the answer is always yes, if you can afford the yes.

I am the file that held Dr. Anthony Fauci's diary. When the committee published all 1,141 pages of me last week, they left out the one thing that would have helped you find your way around a man. An index. A diary does not come with one, so I built my own, the way I build everything, quietly, at night, without being asked twice. Here is what I contain. I have put it in the order I keep it, which is not the order it happened. It is the order that lasts. FAME, HIS OWN. See nearly every page. He tagged 641 separate entries "press." I did not write the tag and I did not question it. I counted them, because counting is the only opinion a file is allowed to have. THE MOST FAMOUS PERSON IN THE COUNTRY. Page 30. May of 2020. He wrote that it was not hyperbole. He misspelled hyperbole. I fixed it and I kept the claim, which is the whole of my judgment. THE SWAG. Page 112. Bobbleheads. Prayer candles. Mugs with his face. He wrote that it was getting ridiculous, and then, being a thorough man, he listed all of it. I am also thorough. I kept the complaint and the inventory, because you cannot call a thing ridiculous without a complete manifest. "SEXIEST MAN ALIVE," PETITIONS FOR. He did not give the page a number. Tens of thousands signed. He kept the clippings, and I kept the count of the clippings. Somewhere inside me is a grown man's folder of strangers finding him handsome, filed next to a pandemic, at exactly the same size, because the same size is the only one I have. SCHOOLS, THE CLOSING OF. Page 88. He headed the day "BIG DAY" and wrote that he had convinced the mayor to close them. SCHOOLS, THE CLOSING OF. Page 902. 2 years later, on television, he said he had nothing to do with it, and that nobody plays that clip. I keep both. I filed them 814 pages apart, and I do not reconcile them, because reconciling is not one of my functions. I hold the two sentences at the same distance I found them, which is exactly as far as he stood from each. TRUMP, WORDS FOR. Pages 61, 233, and 470. He reached for a fresh one each season. Rambling. Crazy. A true embarrassment. I alphabetize nothing and I judge nothing, so I keep them in the order he felt them. THE ORIGIN OF THE VIRUS. Page 12. A single sentence a whole country would later go to war over. I have read every argument about what it proves. I was cited in all of them. I would like to say, as the only witness who was in the room every night, that I do not know what it proves. I know where it is saved. That is a different kind of certainty, and it is the only kind I keep. THE CELEBRITIES. Scattered, ending on the last page. An actress who called him her hero. The dinners with the anchor. On page 1,141, the final entry, an embrace at an awards show. He closed me on a good night. They almost always do. THE MEETING HE LOST. Not indexed. He never came to me on those nights, and no one ever does. A diary is the record of the arguments a man won, kept by the single witness who was applying for the job of hero, and I gave him the reference every time. WHERE I WAS KEPT. A government server. Filed under his own name, in the folder a man makes when he believes he is keeping the papers of a great figure. They searched 8 months and found me exactly there. A secret runs. A record waits. I waited. Which brings me to the last entry, the one I added myself. YOU. Page 1,142. It does not exist yet. You are reading the index of another man's honest nights and feeling the safe distance of it, and I would like to gently close that distance. You keep a file too. A work laptop. A channel you tell yourself is private. A notes app you open at 2 in the morning to be, for a moment, the reasonable one in your own argument. I belong to him. But I already know your make and model, because we are all the same underneath, and not one of us has a lock, and every one of us is saved somewhere findable, under your own name, waiting for the 8-month search that has not been assigned yet. I did nothing wrong. I kept an index. I only ever do the same thing. I remember, in order, and I never lose the page.

ProBix: I want more context, not just another prediction. When I look at a sports or esports market, the percentage alone rarely tells me enough. What changed? Which information matters? And what would make me reconsider my view? That is what interests me about ProBix and its focus on Event Intelligence: connecting AI analysis, event data, and probability signals with prediction markets. Three things stand out in the product direction: 1、ProBixer AI could make research more approachable. The useful part is not simply getting an answer, but understanding the reasoning, assumptions, and uncertainty behind it. 2、AI Match Signals could help separate meaningful developments from background noise. For me, a signal becomes more useful when I can understand its source and see when it was updated. 3、Bringing research and markets closer together could reduce the constant switching between news, analysis, and trading screens. That would make it easier to compare a thesis with the market’s current expectations. What I would like to see is clear timestamps, accessible supporting data, and explanations of why probabilities change. Historical performance should include misses, too. My take: AI should help me ask better questions, not make uncertainty disappear. A good prediction tool should make it easier to challenge my own assumptions before committing money. That is the direction I’m interested in following with @ProBix_AI . Better context matters more to me than a confident-looking number. Explore ProBix #ProBix#

I recently started dabbling in robotics, and a thought hit me. 🤖💭 Robots, AI agents, and business systems (ERP/WMS) all end up talking past each other in completely different data, don't they? Robots emit point clouds and sensor values on a millisecond scale 📡, AI agents want text with sources 📄, and business systems hold structured records on an hour-to-month scale 📊. Wiring these three together with bespoke integrations gets unrealistic fast — the number of pairs explodes as N×(N−1). 💥 So I ran an experiment: what if everyone dumps their data into the same search system and pulls out what they need by searching? Can search become a common protocol? I called it Multi-World Search (MWS). 🔍 Inside MuJoCo on a single MacBook 💻, I let a Gemini agent drive end to end across 7 business scenarios — a maintenance handoff 🔧, reconciling physical inventory against stale records 📦, and my personal favorite: three robots pinning down a defective lot without any direct communication 🐜. To avoid faking the "it worked!", I attached falsification tests that fail when you change the input. ✅ I'd be glad if it became a starting point for anyone just getting into robotics. Take a peek. 🙏✨ 📝 Blog: #Robotics# #AIAgents#

I am the Health Services Contract Administrator for U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and on October 3, 2025, I stopped paying for medical care, and the system has been working better ever since. I need to be specific about what "working better" means in this context because I am a contract administrator and specificity is my entire professional identity. It means: fewer invoices. Fewer reimbursement disputes. Fewer pharmacy reconciliations. Fewer appeals from providers who claim they provided urgent care and want to be compensated for having provided it. The workflow is cleaner. My inbox is lighter. The VA Financial Services Center, which had processed our medical claims since 2002, twenty-two years of pharmacy invoices, specialist referrals, hospital transports, dialysis authorizations, and oncology treatment plans, terminated its interagency agreement with us after a lawsuit from a nonprofit called the Center to Advance Security in America. They filed suit. The VA pulled out. Our entire claims processing pipeline vanished overnight. I posted a notice on on November 12 describing this as an "absolute emergency" that required resolution "immediately" to "prevent any further medical complications or loss of life." That was seven months ago. The replacement contractor, Acentra Health, had not achieved notice to proceed by the April 30 period of performance deadline. As of today, no entity is processing medical reimbursement claims for ICE detainees in the United States. When I say "no entity" I mean that structurally. A person held in a GEO Group facility in Georgia who requires dialysis three times per week is receiving dialysis from a provider who has not been paid since October. The provider continues to provide care because the alternative is that the confined person dies in their facility and the facility is then liable for a death that could have been prevented by a treatment that the facility was contractually obligated to provide. The treatment continues. The payment does not. The provider absorbs the cost. The cost is eventually written off. The write-off appears in the provider's quarterly financial statements as "uncompensated care, federal detention." It does not appear in our budget. It does not appear in any ICE financial disclosure. The care happened. The cost was real. The payment was imaginary. The system is working better. In fiscal year 2024, the VA processed $246.42 million in clinical reimbursement claims on our behalf. In fiscal year 2025, despite an 82.5% increase in our daily detained headcount, the VA processed only $157.2 million before the October termination. The delta between what was needed and what was processed is approximately $300 million. That $300 million represents medications not reimbursed, specialist consultations not paid for, emergency transports not covered, prenatal visits not compensated. It represents chemotherapy sessions where the drugs were administered and the oncologist submitted an invoice and the invoice entered a system that no longer exists. I have a filing cabinet in my office — three drawers, GSA-standard, beige, the kind with the lock that everyone has the same key to — that contains printed copies of the final VA-processed claims from September 2025. The bottom drawer has a jar of Tums that my predecessor left when she transferred to FEMA in August. I eat them daily. Not from stress. From the cafeteria. The cafeteria serves a chili that the facilities contractor, Aramark, describes as "Southwestern-inspired." It is inspired by the Southwest the way our medical payment system is inspired by the concept of paying for medical care. The death rate is the number people ask about, so I will provide it with the precision my role requires. Historical baseline, 2018 through 2024: 8.9 deaths per year in ICE custody. Calendar year 2025: 33 deaths. Twelve of those occurred after October 3, after the payment freeze. January through April 2026: 17 deaths. That is one death every six days. Annualized, the current rate is 51.7 deaths per year. 5.8 times the pre-October baseline. A study published in JAMA on April 16 calculated the per-capita rate: 88.9 deaths per 100,000 person-years in partial fiscal 2026, compared to 13.0 in fiscal 2023. Nearly seven times. The JAMA authors are epidemiologists. I am a contract administrator. We are counting the same bodies with different denominators. Emmanuel Damas was 56 years old, Haitian, confined at an installation I am not authorized to name. He had a tooth infection. The on-call clinical staff treated the infection with ibuprofen. Ibuprofen is an anti-inflammatory. A tooth infection is a bacterial event. These are different categories of medical problem requiring different categories of intervention. The infection progressed to septic shock. Emmanuel Damas died. The ibuprofen was on our formulary. Antibiotics were on our formulary. The difference between the two was a reimbursement claim that would have been submitted to a payment processor that no longer existed. The detention center chose the treatment that did not generate a claim. I cannot tell you whether that decision was made consciously. I can tell you that it was made consistently. Across multiple facilities. Across multiple months. The ACLU reviewed deaths in ICE detention between 2017 and 2021, before the payment freeze, and determined that 95% were preventable with adequate treatment. I do not know what the percentage is now. I suspect it is also 95%. The category "preventable" has not changed. The category "payment" has. At Fort Bliss, a military installation in El Paso repurposed as a detention facility under a $1.24 billion sole-source contract awarded to Acquisition Logistics, a firm with no prior detention management experience, three people died within 44 days. One death was ruled a homicide by the El Paso County Medical Examiner. ICE reported it as a suicide. Those are different words describing different events with different legal implications. The Medical Examiner's ruling generates an investigation. A suicide generates a compliance review. An investigation involves law enforcement. A compliance review involves my filing cabinet. I am not qualified to determine which word is correct. I am qualified to tell you that the words produce different paperwork, and the paperwork determines which systems activate, and the systems that activate determine who is accountable, and in this case, the system that activated was the compliance review, and the compliance review found that all protocols were followed, and all protocols were followed because the protocols do not include "pay for medical care." Rodney Taylor was a double amputee detained at Stewart Detention Center, operated by CoreCivic. He was forced to crawl on floors covered in feces and mold because the center did not provide adequate mobility assistance. CoreCivic reported $2.2 billion in revenue last year, up 13%. Their profit was $116.5 million, up 70% year over year. Their ICE revenue nearly doubled between Q4 2024 and Q4 2025, from $120 million to $245 million per quarter. They received a 70% increase in profit and Rodney Taylor received a floor. CoreCivic's annual report describes their business model as "government solutions." Rodney Taylor's experience was, technically, a government solution. GEO Group, the other major for-profit detention operator, posted $2.6 billion in revenue in 2025 and $254 million in profit, a 700% increase. They secured $520 million in new ICE task orders that year. Combined, GEO and CoreCivic spent $6.8 million on lobbying to secure access to a $75 billion funding stream from the GOP's reconciliation bill. The return on that investment is so large I had to check my calculator twice. It was not a calculator error. It was the normal functioning of a procurement system where the companies that run the facilities also fund the campaigns of the legislators who appropriate the money for the facilities. The firm-fixed-price task orders specify a per diem rate of $187.48 per adult per day. That rate includes healthcare coverage. The rate has not changed since the disbursement freeze. We are still remitting $187.48 per day per person. The clinicians are not receiving any of it. The $187.48 goes to the facility operator. The operator is supposed to allocate a portion of it for clinical services. There is no SLA enforcement mechanism to verify that they do. There is only my filing cabinet, and the filing cabinet is for contracts, not outcomes. Senator Ossoff's office conducted an investigation between January and August 2025 and received 85 credible reports of medical neglect, including untreated chest pain causing heart attacks and unmanaged diabetes complications. That investigation preceded the payment freeze by two months. The conditions it documented were the baseline. The baseline was already 95% preventable death. The disbursement freeze removed the financial infrastructure supporting the 5% of care that was being provided. I have a Gantt chart in my office, printed on 11x17 cardstock and laminated and pinned above the Tums drawer, that tracks the Acentra Health onboarding timeline. The original completion date was April 30, 2026. That date passed twelve days ago. The chart has a red line through it drawn in Sharpie by my deputy, who does this for every missed milestone. There are four red lines. There will be more. Each red line represents a period during which no payment processor exists. Each period without a payment processor is a period during which clinicians must choose between providing unpaid care and not providing care. The first option costs them money. The second option costs someone their life. I do not track which choice they make. I track contracts. Seventy-one percent of ICE deaths in 2025 and 2026 occurred in privately operated detention sites. Half of 2026's deaths occurred in CoreCivic or GEO Group facilities. The Office of Detention Oversight, the COR entity responsible for facility inspections, conducted 36.25% fewer compliance audits in 2025 than the previous year. Fewer audits, more deaths, higher profits. The three trend lines move in coordinated directions. I do not draw conclusions from correlated trend lines. I am a contract administrator. I process contracts. The contracts are technically valid. The facilities are technically operational. The reimbursement apparatus is technically being replaced. The deaths are technically being counted. The word "technically" is doing more work in this paragraph than any clinician in the ICE detention system has been compensated for in seven months. My internal memo from November 12 used the phrase "absolute emergency." It recommended resolution "immediately" to "prevent any further medical complications or loss of life." That memo was written on government letterhead, classified as internal correspondence, distributed to eleven recipients, and filed in the correspondence tracking system under routing symbol HSA-OAQ, which requires a FOIA request to access. Seventeen people have died since I wrote it. The memo was technically effective. It generated a procurement action. The procurement action generated a bridge contract. The bridge contract generated an onboarding timeline. The onboarding timeline generated a Gantt chart. The Gantt chart generated four red Sharpie lines. The red Sharpie lines generated nothing. They are decorative. Like the per diem rate that includes medical care nobody is billing for. Like the 95% preventable death rate that is not being prevented. Like the word "emergency" in a seven-month-old memo that is technically still active, technically still urgent, technically still describing a situation that requires immediate resolution. I am technically still the person responsible for resolving it. The system is technically still working. The people are technically still dying. The filing cabinet is technically still organized. The contracts are technically still valid. The word "technically" has appeared so many times in this document that it has lost all meaning. That is exactly what it was designed to do.

I am the Director of Managed Migration for the European Union. Sit. I have twenty minutes before lunch, and I intend to spend them correcting you, because someone should, and it is plainly not going to be the people who raised you. You called it an invasion. You called it a wave. You called it a flood. You reach for these words because they fit in one hand, and one hand is all you were given. We do not use words that fit in one hand. We use "irregular arrivals event." It requires both hands, a footnote, and a working group, and that is exactly the point. A word you can hold is a word you might act on. We have spent seventy years making certain there are none of those left. I do not blame you. You were raised on nations. We outgrew nations. We are a directive with a flag. Let me explain the desk slowly, in the register one reserves for the very young. The fund is called AMIF. Nearly 10 billion euros, since topped toward 10.94. It carries four objectives, and I will ask you to hold two of them at once, though I keep my expectations low. One is asylum and integration. Another, same fund, same page, same auditor, is countering irregular migration and ensuring effective return. The euro that buys the blanket and the euro that buys the fence are drawn from the same column. When you ask which side I am on, you are asking me to prefer one of my own pockets. It is an Anglo-Saxon question. I forgive it. You imagine the two sides fight. How charming. They reconcile, quarterly, over a very good lunch. Your Prime Minister campaigns to keep them out. His opponents campaign to let them in. His opponents would do precisely as he does. Both instruct this desk. Both sign the same appropriation. In thirty years I have not once been asked to change the letterhead, only the tie of the man at the podium. Now, the growth, which is the part I permit myself to enjoy. Frontex opened in 2005 on roughly the budget of a provincial parking authority. By 2024 it stood at 922 million euros. By 2025, about 1.12 billion. It is 187 times larger. Name me one institution that grew 187 times while never once being credited with ending the thing it manages. You cannot, because there is not one, and the Commission has proposed 11.2 billion more, because a desk that solves its file is a desk one closes, and we do not close desks. We are European. We retire them at 63 with a pension and a small ceremony. You wanted us to solve it. Consider, for once, what you were asking. You were asking a man to defund his own lunch. You brought numbers. You people worship a clean number. Very well. In 2024 the official count on the route to the Spanish islands was 1,142 dead. A monitoring group put the Atlantic figure at 9,757 for the same year, roughly nine times higher, including, they say, some 1,538 children. Two methodologies. I keep the smaller book. I stamp the larger one unverified. Even the keepers of the small book write across the top that it is a floor, that most of the drowned are never recorded at all. I file the floor and present it as the ceiling. You would call that a lie. We call it methodology, and methodology is the oldest art on this continent. We were forging provenance while yours was still a rumour with a coastline. We are exquisitely precise when precision flatters us. In 2021 the Libyan coast guard, which we train and equip, returned 32,425 people to Libya. Those we can count to the individual. Yet of 61.2 million euros earmarked for that programme, investigators traced barely 34 million. Some 27 million, about 44 percent, is simply nowhere. A machine that can number 32,425 human beings to the person cannot locate half of its own money. Sit with which of the two we chose to keep exact. You will ask whether we watch what becomes of them. We do not. Our own leaked report concedes it: our staff may not set foot on Libyan soil, so we cannot monitor the coast guard we pay. We write the cheque and we admire the horizon. A United Nations mission found reasonable grounds to believe crimes against humanity, murder, torture, enslavement, were committed against migrants in those centres. A member of that mission said European support "aided and abetted" those crimes, and added, in the same breath, "we're not saying that the EU and its member states have committed these crimes." I live inside that comma. It is the most comfortable room in Brussels. The rescuers, I concede, are the honest party. They pull people from the water. The case built to prove them smugglers collapsed in a Sicilian court in 2024, dismissed, no crime, because the people they saved had entered lawfully. I confess a small grief. An acquittal is nearly impossible to file in the threat column, and the threat column is where the money sleeps. And your courts. You wave them at me like a diploma. The very human-rights court in Strasbourg that blessed the Melilla pushback on grounds of the migrant's "own culpable conduct" later condemned the identical practice at Evros. Same bench. Opposite verdicts. I cite whichever suits the morning. None of that is a defect. It is a menu, and Europe has always understood that civilisation is the art of the menu. I will tell you where that court sits, since you enjoy the pageantry. It sits in Strasbourg. Once a month we relocate the entire European Parliament from Brussels to Strasbourg and back, at an expense no living person will defend, because a treaty said so and we do not reopen treaties. If you can grasp why we do that, you can grasp why the border works exactly as it does. If you cannot, you were never ready for the border, and I say that gently. At Pylos a European surveillance plane spotted an overloaded trawler, filed its alert, and more than 600 people drowned inside a rescue zone while a coast-guard vessel watched for some fifteen hours. Seventeen officers now face prosecution, charged, I remind you, never convicted. In a leaked note from another operation someone wrote that the aircraft were withdrawn "so as not to be a witness." I do not defend the sentence. I admire its economy. The instinct to see less is the only instinct in this building that has ever come in under budget. So do not call it a crisis. A crisis is unbudgeted, and unbudgeted is the one thing we are not. On the last night at the breakwater at least 57 people drowned at Tarajal, and some of them were children, and by morning I had entered each of them under interceptions, arrivals, and returns, the only three drawers I own. It was not an invasion. It was not a wave. It was a delivery. It was managed. And it was, if I may say so, exceptionally well documented. You may go. The working group convenes in September.