"Disparate Impact," the legal doctrine that stipulates outcomes between blacks and whites must be the same, was codified into law by the 1991 Civil Rights Act. That doctrine has destroyed the schools and the colleges and the police. It very nearly destroyed financial system when mortgages were awarded on the basis of racial quotas. And, as of this writing, it remains the operating doctrine of every major public American institution. It has not been repealed. It has been mildly rolled back in some domains — the Supreme Court ruling in SFFA, the state DEI rollbacks in Texas and Florida, the Trump administration’s executive orders — but it has not been uprooted. The people who believe in "equity" still staff HR departments, admissions offices, the civil-rights divisions of the federal agencies and the editorial boards of what used to be the newspapers of record. They will not go quietly. They cannot. Their entire professional identity is built on a doctrine that, if honestly examined, would be repudiated as nothing more than racial Marxism. So they will fight — inside the universities, inside the corporations, inside the courts, inside the federal bureaucracy, inside the cities they still run — for every inch of the ground the doctrine has captured. And the fight they will put up is one of the things that makes the coming Fourth Turning particularly dangerous. A Fourth Turning in which the political class is honest about what it has done — as FDR was honest about abandoning the gold standard, as Hamilton was honest about paying the state debts — can be resolved relatively quickly. A Fourth Turning in which the political class refuses to admit what caused the crisis and continues to fight for it is what leads to violence. Like during the Civil War of 1861-1865. And, sadly, I believe it will, once again, lead us into the equivalent of a race-based, low-level civil war. Why? Because there is no reform that fixes this. There is no tax increase that reverses disparate-impact jurisprudence. There is no interest-rate cut that restores public safety to Baltimore. There is no stimulus that teaches an Oregon high-school graduate to read. There is no political candidate who can, within the current legal and regulatory framework, restore the premise that individuals are to be judged as individuals and that the standards by which a society measures achievement are not themselves to be abandoned whenever they produce a disparity. The false doctrine, that individuals are not equal under the law because some people are functionally different than others, is embedded in statute. It is embedded in case law. It is embedded in the professional identity of three generations of administrators. It will not be uprooted by ordinary political means. It will be uprooted, if it is uprooted at all, by the same process that has uprooted every other entrenched false political doctrine in American history — by a Fourth Turning severe enough to make the doctrine’s defenders surrender ground they would never have surrendered in ordinary politics. And thus, you must be ready for what will come next. You cannot, by yourself, fix American public schools. But you can choose your children’s schools. You can homeschool them. You can place them in classical academies or Catholic schools or the small number of charter schools that have kept the older standards. You cannot, by yourself, fix the violence and mayhem in our cities. But you can own productive land. You can own real assets, directly, that will survive what's coming. You cannot, by yourself, fix the police. But you can choose where you live, you can choose whom you associate with, and you can prepare your family to defend itself and to help defend your neighbors. And you cannot, by yourself, fix the disparate-impact doctrine. But you can see it for what it is. You can teach your children to see it. You can refuse to participate in its rituals. You can decline to sign its loyalty oaths. You can, and this is perhaps the most important thing, tell the truth about it in public, in your own voice. How? By using the words it refuses to accept. “Marxism” is one of those words. “Per capita” is another – some groups are prone to violence, prone to ignorance, prone to abandoning their families. Pointing this out isn’t “racist.” It is identifying serious social problems that must be addressed and that cannot fixed by waving the magic wand of "disparate impact" or by an HR rule. "Responsibility” is a third. The entire racist agenda today is based on the idea that people can’t be responsible for their own lives because of racial oppression that ended more than three generations ago. The antidote to these lies is speaking the truth. Use these words. Do not flinch when the doctrine’s defenders accuse you of racism or bigotry. They are not interested in your character. They are interested in your silence. The doctrine has only ever had one real enemy, and it is not a political party or a candidate or a court. Its enemy is the plain speech of a free people. When free people describe what the doctrine has done — when they name it, in the ordinary language of their communities — the doctrine loses its power. Because its power was never in its arguments. Its power was in its capacity to intimidate people out of naming it. So, name it. That is the first political act of a Fourth Turning. Everything else that the country needs to do to get through the next decade — the monetary reset, the fiscal consolidation, the restoration of discipline in the schools, the re-policing of the cities, the rebuilding of standards across the institutions — depends on millions of ordinary Americans recovering the courage to call the thing by its true name. The true name is Marxism. The American form of it is disparate impact. Its consequence, measurable in the statistics of forty years, is the ruin of American institutions. The doctrine can be defeated. It has been defeated once before — in the Soviet Union, which built a more ambitious form of it at greater cost and collapsed under the weight of the contradictions it could not resolve. Ours is smaller and more refined and better camouflaged, but it is the same doctrine, and in the end it will collapse because of the same contradictions. The only question — the only question that matters, now — is whether we can name the doctrine and defeat it at the ballot box and in the courts and in the schools, or whether we will have to suffer a violent collapse of society. However it resolves, you must survive. The rest of this book is dedicated to helping you and your family survive whatever comes next.

Here's the #1# thing most people don't know about Warren Buffett: There is nothing special about Buffett’s stock picking. That doesn’t mean that Buffett wasn’t a great investor. He was! Buffett was, by far, the greatest investor in history, by a huge margin. Over 486 months between October 1976 and March 2017 –— 41 years –— Berkshire Hathaway’s Class A stock earned an average excess return of 18.6% per year above U.S. Tbills. Annualized volatility was 23.5%. Sharpe ratio: 0.79. Berkshire’s Sharpe ratio of (0.79) is roughly 1.6x times the broad U.S. stock market’s Sharpe ratio of 0.49 over the same period. Among all large-cap U.S. stocks and mutual funds with 30-plus-year continuous track records, those are unmatched numbers. A dollar invested in Berkshire on October 31, 1976, was worth more than $3,685 by March 31, 2017. A dollar invested in the S&P 500 with dividends reinvested over the same period was worth approximately $76. Buffett beat a passive index by a multiple of 48. But he didn’t do it with stock picking! Three researchers at AQR Capital Management –— Andrea Frazzini, David Kabiller, and Lasse Heje Pedersen –— dissected Berkshire’s 50 years of investments through 2013. They expanded and republished their findings in 2018 in the Financial Analysts Journal, which is the most highly respected industry financial journal. Their work won the Graham and Dodd Award for the best published paper of the year. The paper is called Buffett’s Alpha. They found, after accounting for cheap leverage (from the insurance float) and exposure to a handful of publicly documented factor premiums, Buffett’s investment skill –— the portion of his returns that cannot be explained by any mechanical strategy –— is 0.3% per year. That's statistically indistinguishable from zero. In other words, the alpha that Berkshire enjoyed for 50 years (as it compounded capital at 24% a year!) wasn’t due to Buffett’s stock picking. So, how did he do it? He did it by gaining access to a huge amount of investment capital that he did not own, for free. Buffett’s track record was built on leverage. That’s a dirty word for most investors, but it's the secret behind Berkshire. The AQR researchers had access to something most Buffett commentators do not: 40 years of Berkshire’s audited financial statements and the full quarterly history of the public 13F stock portfolio. The researchers asked a specific question: If I take Berkshire’s monthly stock returns from October 1976 through March 2017, and I run a linear regression against a set of well-documented risk factors –— market beta, size, value, momentum, and two newer factors called Betting-Against-Beta and Quality-Minus-Junk (detailed below) –— how much of Buffett’s performance can the factors explain? And after the factors have been stripped out, how much excess return remains? The data show clearly there are a few qualities that drove Berkshire’s results. First, Buffett has always preferred large-cap stocks, contrary to the popular image of him as a small-cap value investor. He buys elephants. Second, no surprise, Buffett buys cheap. Berkshire is almost six standard deviations away from neutral on the value axis. So far the picture is ordinary. Every large- cap value manager in America loads positively on size and on value. Buffett’s genius lies in the last two factors. These last two factors are a little complicated, but please stick with me. There’s a new factor, that, like value and size, characterizes Buffett’s strategy. It’s called Betting-Against-Beta (“BAB”). What it means is intentionally investing in stocks with very low volatility. The BAB factor captures the excess return that accrues to investors who own low-beta stocks. Low-beta stocks have historically earned higher risk-adjusted returns than high-beta stocks. Financial theory teaches that higher beta (higher risk) should mean higher return. But it doesn’t. The opposite occurs, in fact. And Buffett was one of the very first people to figure this out. Why does this factor persist? In an efficient market, once that factor is known to investors, then they should bid the price up on low- beta stocks until it no longer provides an edge. The explanation, per the theory of AQR’s Frazzini and Pedersen’s theory, is that because ordinary investors do not use leverage and seek high returns, they create persistent excess demand for more volatile stocks. (Having worked with retail investors for 30 years, I can assure you that is true.) But, an investor with access to cheap leverage –— Warren Buffett, for instance –— can exploit the mispricing by owning the low-beta names and levering them up to produce market-beating returns. And the last factor that matters to Buffett is quality. Buffett buys companies with high returns on invested capital. Quality-Minus-Junk (“QMJ”) is a factor described by Cliff Asness, also at AQR with Frazzini, and Pedersen, in a 2019 paper in Review of Accounting Studies. The QMJ factor captures the return to owning stocks of high-quality companies –— profitable, growing, safe, with high payout ratios –— against stocks lacking those characteristics. QMJ has been positive and statistically significant in every major developed equity market for which it has been measured. Berkshire’s loading is 0.37, with a t-statistic of 4.6. –– meaning it is highly significant to Berkshire’s results. In plain English: Buffett only buys large, high- quality, low-volatility stocks of the highest quality. But, Berkshire’s results were not, in any way, unusual. Any investor buying these same kinds of stocks would have earned those same returns –– about 16% a year over time. So how did Berkshire compound at 23% a year? To figure that out, AQR’s researchers built a Berkshire replica. They constructed a simple, rules-based, publicly investable portfolio that mechanically tilts toward large-cap, cheap, low-beta, high-quality stocks, and levers it 1.6- to- 1 to match Berkshire’s insurance float leverage. The correlation between their replica’s returns and Berkshire’s were virtually identical. The authors’ conclusion is unambiguous. “In summary, we find that Buffett has developed a unique access to leverage that he has invested in safe, high-quality, cheap stocks and that these key characteristics can largely explain his impressive performance.” Berkshire’s cost of insurance float has averaged almost three percentage points below the Treasury bill rate across 50fifty years of data. In roughly two-thirds of all years, Berkshire has been paid to hold other people’s money. That is not an investment strategy. That is a financing miracle. It is also the living, breathing heart of Berkshire Hathaway. It’s what Buffett built, starting in 1967 when he paid $8.6 million for National Indemnity’s $19.4 million of float. And it is the factor every retail investor admiring Berkshire’s returns has never paid any attention to. The 1.6-to-1 leverage that AQR measured over the full period, financed at this negative cost, explains the dollar magnitude of Berkshire’s returns. How do we know? An unleveraged version of the same stock portfolio –— which you can approximate by looking at the 13F holdings alone –— has earned an average excess return of 12% percent per year. It’s Berkshire’s leverage that magnifies this excess return to 18.6 %percent. How does this square with Berkshire’s reported gains? Berkshire’s 18.6% excess return, plus the T-bill rate that averaged roughly 4.7% over 1976–2017, gives you a total nominal return of roughly 23% per year, which is the figure you usually see quoted for Berkshire’s historical performance. The 23% tells you what Berkshire returned. The 18.6% tells you how much of that return was compensation for taking investment risk, as opposed to the baseline yield every lender to the U.S. government was earning anyway. With both of Berkshire’s “edges” –— systematic factor exposures to cheap, high-quality, low-volatility stocks and roughly 1.6-to-1 leverage delivered with insurance float –— you get Berkshire Hathaway’s 23% annual gains over 60 years. It’s the structure that’s genius, not the stock picking. And that's very important because it means the original Berkshire formula can work for any investor. I show you exactly how, in my new book.