Krzysztof Szczawinski 🇵🇱(@Kristof_Poland):From Diagnosis to Action We have written a lot about the diagnosis. Here is what needs to be done, in order. The rule: do the hard things all at once. The guardrail: evidence first, verdict last. 0. Before the election  – The bench: a thousand names – ministers, agency heads, voivodes, state company boards – each with a deputy in reserve.  – The first twenty acts drafted and legally checked, ready to sign in the first month.  – The audit map: which institutions, contracts and funds are opened first. 1. The first 100 days  – Establish the State Repair Corps in the first month. A hundred inspectors, modeled on the French Inspection des Finances for rigor and prestige and on America's DOGE for speed. Recruited by open competition: top graduates, auditors, engineers, data specialists – no party cards. By law, it can enter any public body and open any contract, payroll and database; obstruction is an offense. For every institution it reviews, it publishes within 90 days one of four verdicts: keep, merge, cut or abolish. The government must comply, or explain publicly within 30 days. The Corps also runs deregulation. It shrinks by half after two years, providing the cadres for the capillary system.  – Open the books: every contract, grant and management salary online, and the full public debt – including what is hidden in off-budget funds.  – Replace all political appointees within 30 days.  – Freeze all discretionary grants to NGOs until the Corps has reviewed them. End advertising and media sponsorships by state companies.  – Freeze hiring in central administration, except front-line services: police, army, health.  – Deregulate: every regulation gets an expiry date; two old rules go for every new one; wherever possible, a notification replaces a permit.  – A spending rule: public spending is cut first, and then grows more slowly than the economy until the budget balances. 2. Year one: institutions  – A new constitution: a constitutional assembly elected within six months, a draft within a year, a referendum to approve it. It must make the courts impossible for any one camp to capture, and end the ping-pong in which each government storms the courts and the media, and the next one storms them back.  – Public media: sell the channels, close the state news channel, and never capture it again.  – A civil service entered by examination, with a rebuilt National School of Public Administration, pay by merit, and no political appointments below deputy minister.  – Education: the per-pupil subsidy follows the child to any school – public, private or home. Anyone qualified may open a school by notification, not permit. The national curriculum is cut to a short core.  – Tax choice: raise the 1.5% that citizens may direct to associations of their choice to 5%. Citizens, not ministries, decide who gets funded.  – Subsidiarity: competences and a larger share of tax revenue move down to the gminas. 3. Years two to four: the capillaries  Parishes, volunteer fire brigades, rural women's circles, scouts, sports clubs and local papers kept Poland alive for 123 years without a state. Give the modern equivalents free use of public buildings, simple accounting and access to tax-choice money – and no ministry grants, so no strings. Protect them; never run them. Who goes, who stays  Every public-sector manager gets a 90-day review by the Corps: results, budget, legality.  Out: political appointees, ideology enforcers, lawbreakers. Captured institutions are abolished, not refilled.  In: the professionals who kept the state running under every government, those sidelined for being right – and anyone who brings bad news. How to win the country  Not by converting people with the state – that is the method of the Prince of Lies. Stop lying to them: a weekly public report on what was cut, what it saved and what changed. And give them ownership: the shares of state companies go to citizens. Diagnosis was easy. Repair needs a corps.

2026.11.09 08:26

From Diagnosis to Action We have written a lot about the diagnosis. Here is what needs to be done, in order. The rule: do the hard things all at once. The guardrail: evidence first, verdict last. 0. Before the election  – The bench: a thousand names – ministers, agency heads, voivodes, state company boards – each with a deputy in reserve.  – The first twenty acts drafted and legally checked, ready to sign in the first month.  – The audit map: which institutions, contracts and funds are opened first. 1. The first 100 days  – Establish the State Repair Corps in the first month. A hundred inspectors, modeled on the French Inspection des Finances for rigor and prestige and on America's DOGE for speed. Recruited by open competition: top graduates, auditors, engineers, data specialists – no party cards. By law, it can enter any public body and open any contract, payroll and database; obstruction is an offense. For every institution it reviews, it publishes within 90 days one of four verdicts: keep, merge, cut or abolish. The government must comply, or explain publicly within 30 days. The Corps also runs deregulation. It shrinks by half after two years, providing the cadres for the capillary system.  – Open the books: every contract, grant and management salary online, and the full public debt – including what is hidden in off-budget funds.  – Replace all political appointees within 30 days.  – Freeze all discretionary grants to NGOs until the Corps has reviewed them. End advertising and media sponsorships by state companies.  – Freeze hiring in central administration, except front-line services: police, army, health.  – Deregulate: every regulation gets an expiry date; two old rules go for every new one; wherever possible, a notification replaces a permit.  – A spending rule: public spending is cut first, and then grows more slowly than the economy until the budget balances. 2. Year one: institutions  – A new constitution: a constitutional assembly elected within six months, a draft within a year, a referendum to approve it. It must make the courts impossible for any one camp to capture, and end the ping-pong in which each government storms the courts and the media, and the next one storms them back.  – Public media: sell the channels, close the state news channel, and never capture it again.  – A civil service entered by examination, with a rebuilt National School of Public Administration, pay by merit, and no political appointments below deputy minister.  – Education: the per-pupil subsidy follows the child to any school – public, private or home. Anyone qualified may open a school by notification, not permit. The national curriculum is cut to a short core.  – Tax choice: raise the 1.5% that citizens may direct to associations of their choice to 5%. Citizens, not ministries, decide who gets funded.  – Subsidiarity: competences and a larger share of tax revenue move down to the gminas. 3. Years two to four: the capillaries  Parishes, volunteer fire brigades, rural women's circles, scouts, sports clubs and local papers kept Poland alive for 123 years without a state. Give the modern equivalents free use of public buildings, simple accounting and access to tax-choice money – and no ministry grants, so no strings. Protect them; never run them. Who goes, who stays  Every public-sector manager gets a 90-day review by the Corps: results, budget, legality.  Out: political appointees, ideology enforcers, lawbreakers. Captured institutions are abolished, not refilled.  In: the professionals who kept the state running under every government, those sidelined for being right – and anyone who brings bad news. How to win the country  Not by converting people with the state – that is the method of the Prince of Lies. Stop lying to them: a weekly public report on what was cut, what it saved and what changed. And give them ownership: the shares of state companies go to citizens. Diagnosis was easy. Repair needs a corps.

Krzysztof Szczawinski 🇵🇱@Kristof_Poland

2026.08.20 21:38

George Soros and the Open Society Foundations – The Capillary System. Everyone says Soros this, Soros that. But how do they actually operate? Most of the organizations we have described operate at the elite level – the meeting in Davos, the seminar and the committee in Brussels. The Open Society Foundations are different. They operate at every level simultaneously – from the supranational to the local, from the think tank to the street activist, from the Supreme Court brief to the district attorney election. The most complete political funding infrastructure ever built by a private individual. Follow the money – most of it is hiding in plain sight. Soros made his fortune speculating on national currencies – most famously breaking the British Pound in 1992. He used the proceeds to fund institutions that argue against national sovereignties, helping him make such operations. This is not irony. It is a business model. An arbitrage. 1. The mechanism is simple and almost elegant. You create a nicely named organization – an institute for open society, a foundation for democratic media, a center for justice reform. You seed it with ten million dollars of private money, enough to hire staff, produce reports, and establish credibility. Then, through the network of associates and ideologically aligned officials that decades of funding have placed inside governments and supranational bodies, you ensure that this private organization receives hundreds of millions in public funding – EU grants, USAID contracts, government subsidies. The private money creates the platform. The public hundreds of millions buy the reach. The taxpayer funds the project. The project serves the agenda. A nice arbitrage again. 2. Let’s imagine in every country a main foundation operating as a buzzing corporate office — a headquarters — populated with people who know the agenda best and understand how it connects to the global program. Everyone comes there for instructions. Every smaller organization in the country — the migration NGO, the media fund, the arts prize committee — knows where to come for orientation, for funding, for the framing of the next campaign. It looks like a civil society hub. The people inside it may believe they are doing good. The architecture ensures that doing good means advancing the agenda. 3. The network controls the full loop. The think tank produces the paper. The advocacy group runs the campaign. The legal organization takes it to court. The media organization covers it favorably. The fact-checker delegitimizes the opposition. Each may look independent; the funding architecture connects them. The public annual reports list the grants and recipients. The architecture is not hidden. It is simply too layered for most people to read clearly. 4. The cultural layer is the most insidious. The network funds literary prizes that go to authors advancing the agenda. They fund film festivals, journalism awards, university chairs. None of this requires explicit editorial control. You don’t tell the prize committee who to select. You fund the prize committee. Over time the selection reflects the values of the funder. 5. In America, Soros-backed political groups have funded progressive prosecutors and district-attorney campaigns. The money is visible in campaign-finance records; the resulting policies are visible in the cities where they were implemented. 6. In Europe, the same architecture appears around migration: advocacy organizations, legal challenges, NGOs, political lobbying, and media narratives. The different pieces reinforce one another. One source. Every layer. Taxpayer money amplifying private money at every stage. 7. That is the capillary system: an ideological project reaching from elite institutions down into everyday life. The activist, journalist, lawyer, academic, official, and politician do not need to know one another or consciously share a master plan. Networks, institutions, and funding create the coordination.