The third defining figure is David Adeleke, popularly known as Davido. Davido did not treat his role as symbolic. He was placed at the centre of youth mobilisation and used his influence, networks, music, digital reach and personal credibility to connect the campaign to a generation. He brought artistes, influencers and young voices into the process. Alongside emerging political and professional actors such as Pelumi Olajengbesi, he helped give the campaign a youthful, energetic and culturally resonant face. While the opposition deliberately activated its most recognisable young figures, our party largely relied on a structure dominated by governors, senators and former office holders. These leaders are important, but we must ask a hard question: how many young Nigerians do they genuinely inspire, mobilise or emotionally connect with? Who are the Davidos in the APC? Who are the young men and women within our movement who are willing to put their influence, creativity, reputation and networks visibly on the line for the party? And when we find them, do we empower them, or only remember them at election time? I raise these questions from experience, not hindsight. During the 2022 Osun governorship election, I travelled across communities and engaged stakeholders across divides. I met Alhaji Moshood Adeoti in Iwo, as well as other former party leaders who broke away, and worked through reconciliation efforts that were not optional but essential. When an emergency meeting of the National Working Committee was convened during that campaign, the then National Women Leader, her deputy and I travelled to Abuja and returned immediately by our personally funded chartered flight to continue field operations. We spent weeks engaging stakeholders and mobilising communities. On election day, I was in the situation room at the Government House. We received real time reports from agents across polling units. By midday, it was already clear from field intelligence that the contest was slipping away, driven by a combination of inducement reports, local tensions and structural weaknesses in mobilisation. We did not lose 2022 because there was no effort. We lost because division, weak reconciliation and fragmented mobilisation overwhelmed that effort. Four years later, some of those lessons remain unlearned. I understand that some individuals had reportedly been working for months before this election. Yet the constitutionally recognised National Youth Wing was not meaningfully engaged. Even when I personally reached out and offered support, I was referred to an individual who was promised to call me. I reached out again but That call never came. This is not about individuals. It is about an institutional culture that sidelines its own structures while relying on ad hoc arrangements during elections. No organisation that disregards its own constitutional organs can consistently win complex statewide contests. It is also important to state a difficult but necessary truth: since the inauguration of the campaign council, the National Working Committee did not meet to formally review progress, assess strategy or recalibrate direction. In any serious political organisation, that absence of structured oversight is not a minor administrative gap. It is a strategic weakness. The National Youth Wing should not be activated only to fill stadiums or sidelined for support groups. A Women’s Wing should not be reduced to decoration at rallies. These are political structures with constituencies that must be organised, engaged and deployed as part of a deliberate strategy. Our rallies must also evolve. In earlier cycles, the National Women Leader and National Youth Leader had defined roles in energising crowds and speaking directly to their constituencies at our rallies. Today, many rallies have become sequences of speeches by political elites, with little structured engagement of the constituencies that actually determine turnout and enthusiasm