And Ireland is a centralization cesspool - a gender gulag and a bureaucratic behemoth of technocratic governance. Co-leader of the 2015 UN negotiations, home of three major 4IR pillar industries (Big Tech, Big Pharma, Finance / City of London ‘secrecy jurisdiction’), location of UN’s Global Sustainable Finance Project Office and now, the granddaddy of them all: a putative replacement venue for Davos. The ruling political class in the Emerald Isle is led by a party with fascist roots. One of the party grandees was the late Peter Sutherland, mentor of Klaus Schwab, architect of the UN’s global migration agenda and as Chair of BP, played a major role in making the term ‘carbon footprint’ a mainstream concept through the oil company’s 2004–2005 ‘Beyond Petroleum’ marketing campaigns. The anti-nationalist Fine Gael has been in power continuously since 2011 and in that time has overseen the destruction of Ireland through its full embrace of stakeholder capitalism and a slew of globalist policy platforms including the global goals (Ireland reportedly now 80% compliant compared to global average of 17% but these are contested numbers) the root and branch restructuring of education around Marxist critical social theory and the induction of Ireland to the EU Migration Pact, despite the explicitly articulated democratic desire by the Irish people for an exemption from any such agreements. Adding insult to injury, a former Fine Gael prime minister and YGL, Leo Varadkar, is now esconced at the Harvard Kennedy School with Jacinda Ardern and has recently been speaking about the need for a United Ireland. Such a conversation would normally be anathema to Fine Gael/WEF who see globalism as an opportunity to restore colonial order in Ireland. Clearly, the unity to which Varadkar is referring has nothing to do with nationhood and everything to do with addressing Digital ID interoperability issues. Under the Belfast Agreement, citizens of the 6 counties may hold Irish and/or British passports, however this arrangement - known as a ‘constructive ambiguity’ that helped glue the Northern Irish peace process together - breaks down when faced with the rollout of jurisdictional defined Digital ID. As digital governance expands, pressure will grow to resolve ambiguities that were once politically useful. And so either Ireland rejoins the United Kingdom or we get the establishment of a technocratic single jurisdiction flying under the banner of a digital ‘United Ireland’. In that sense, the real debate bubbling under the surface may not be whether Northern Ireland is British or Irish, but whether both traditions are being nudged into becoming subordinate to a new layer of technocratic governance that transcends the constitutional categories on which the Belfast Agreement was built.