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The Iran Watcher
@TheIranWatcher
Iran & Persian Gulf | Politics, Geopolitics, Military & Proxies 🇮🇷
가입 November 2009
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🚨 The IRGC is directing the Houthi offensive that seized Mocha, tightening the Islamic Republic’s grip on a second major global energy chokepoint. Reuters reports that the rapid Houthi advance down Yemen’s Red Sea coast came with direct IRGC guidance. Iranian sources also said the Islamic Republic told the Houthis last week to escalate attacks against Saudi Arabia while promising additional weapons, funding and senior commanders. Five Yemeni government military sources, citing intercepted communications and captured Houthi fighters, specifically pointed to Abdolreza Shahlaei, the senior IRGC Quds Force commander long associated with the Yemen file, as directing the Iranian effort. Iranian sources did not confirm his current role, so that specific claim remains unverified. But Mocha is not the ultimate prize. Bab al-Mandab is. The Houthis have pushed government forces south toward Dhubab, directly on the strait opposite Perim Island, while also expanding operations around the Hanish Islands. Mocha is the coastal hinge. Dhubab and Perim would put them in an enormously more powerful position around the actual chokepoint connecting the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden. This becomes even more dangerous because the Islamic Republic is already disrupting the Strait of Hormuz. Saudi Arabia has increasingly depended on its Red Sea export route through Yanbu as an alternative. The Islamic Republic does not need to physically close both waterways. Creating enough danger around Hormuz while its most powerful remaining proxy threatens Bab al-Mandab simultaneously forces shipping, insurers and energy markets to price risk into two critical arteries at once. Saudi hesitation is also becoming impossible to ignore. Yemeni officials reportedly wanted substantially heavier Saudi air support as the Houthis advanced. Saudi Arabia instead remained cautious, fearing that deeper involvement would trigger even larger Houthi ballistic missile and drone attacks against Saudi territory. But that caution may now be encouraging exactly what Saudi Arabia is trying to prevent. The Houthis are already firing ballistic missiles and drones into Saudi Arabia while simultaneously taking strategic territory from Saudi-backed forces. If they conclude Saudi Arabia fears escalation more than they do, there is little reason to expect the next missile barrage to be smaller. None of this means the Islamic Republic has suddenly become strategically strong. Its economy and oil exports remain under enormous pressure. Instead, it demonstrates why the Houthis have become so valuable to the IRGC: they allow the Islamic Republic to create enormous geopolitical costs far beyond Iran while avoiding another direct front itself. For more than a decade, the IRGC invested weapons, training, technology and personnel into building the Houthis into this kind of force. Now that investment is being activated at precisely the moment the Islamic Republic needs it most. Mocha is the warning. Dhubab and Perim are what matter next. If the Houthis establish a much stronger position around Bab al-Mandab while the Islamic Republic continues disrupting Hormuz, the IRGC will have succeeded in applying simultaneous pressure to two of the world’s most important energy and shipping arteries.
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🚨 Saudi Arabia is being attacked with ballistic missiles, losing ground in Yemen, and still appears unwilling to fully confront the Houthis. The Houthis have already crossed a major threshold, launching ballistic missiles and drones against Abha, Khamis Mushait, Jazan and Najran, striking Saudi infrastructure and wounding at least 73 people. Yet they have continued attacking, while Saudi-backed forces have now lost the strategic port of Mocha, roughly 80 km from Bab al-Mandab. Saudi Arabia is striking back, but the problem is the scale and objective. ⚠️ Even the Houthis’ own inflated figures illustrate the problem. They claim as many as 64 Saudi strikes in 24 hours across four provinces. Saudi Arabia has not confirmed that number, but even taking it at face value, dozens of dispersed strikes are not the sustained campaign Saudi Arabia’s enormous air force is capable of generating. ⚠️ Saudi Arabia appears caught between retaliation and commitment. It wants to punish Houthi attacks without being dragged back into the open-ended Yemen war it spent years trying to escape. The result risks becoming a dangerous half-war: enough airstrikes to provoke retaliation, but potentially not enough sustained pressure to fundamentally change Houthi calculations. ⚠️ The Houthis are learning from every restrained response. If ballistic missiles and drones can hit Saudi cities, energy infrastructure and military facilities and the consequence is another limited round of strikes, they have little reason to conclude that the next barrage should be smaller. ⚠️ Meanwhile, the battlefield is moving in the Houthis’ favor along the most strategically dangerous front. Their capture of Mocha brings them substantially closer to Bab al-Mandab precisely when disruption in the Strait of Hormuz has made the Red Sea increasingly important for Saudi oil exports. Saudi Arabia possesses overwhelming conventional airpower compared with the Houthis. The fundamental problem increasingly appears to be political will and the absence of a clear theory of victory. Saudi Arabia does not want to own another Yemen war. That is understandable after the failures and enormous costs of the previous intervention. But deterrence cannot rest on simultaneously telling the Houthis that their attacks are intolerable while demonstrating that Saudi Arabia is reluctant to escalate enough to stop them. The Houthis are testing exactly where Saudi restraint ends. And if they conclude there is no decisive response coming, expect the pressure to increase, not decrease: more ballistic missiles, more drones, more attacks against southern Saudi infrastructure and greater attempts to exploit their new position along the Red Sea coast. Saudi Arabia’s reluctance to fully confront the Houthis may be intended to prevent another major war. Instead, it risks teaching the Houthis that escalation works.
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