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This is an impressive newspaper interview by @WilliamClouston, the SDP's candidate in Clacton. William and I would probably disagree on some of the economics, but on everything else he is spot on. Intelligent, sober, grown-up politics. Why would you be a good MP to the people of Clacton? The Social Democratic Party (SDP), is the only national political party with a developed policy platform standing against Reform in Clacton. We’re the party of the patriotic state, which is exactly what Clacton’s electorate demands: we support strong control of the borders and national pride, while also believing in a robust government that nationalises utilities, invests in infrastructure, and brings industry back to Britain. Whereas Reform lacks political direction, we are crystal clear on our plans for government and want to fix the long-term, structural challenges facing our country: migration, under-investment, a degraded public realm, and deindustrialisation. What are the main issues Clacton faces? The caricature we see of Clacton in the press is completely inaccurate – both in terms of the idea of it being economically destitute or socially atomised, and in terms of the idea of there being just one “Clacton”. Clacton-on-Sea is the biggest town in the constituency at 55,500 people, but there are another 30,000 people living in adjacent towns like Frinton-on-Sea, Walton-on-the-Naze, and Jaywick. These are all very distinct towns, with their own needs and issues. In terms of issues common to the whole constituency, I think there’s an underinvestment in the public realm, poor economic connectivity with the rest of the country, and a shortage of consistent, quality social care. Firstly, on the public realm, there’s some real work to be done on making sure public spaces are consistently well-maintained and orderly. The landscapes of the area is stunning, and it has a lot of beautiful housing stock. However, it’s undermined by the road and streets they often lead on to. Often there’s not been too much thought put into the basics like planting trees on the streets for shade and beatification, or on properly planning the road network out to stop congestion. These are subtle things, but for a tourism-heavy constituency it’s critical that Clacton gets this right. Secondly, on economic connectivity, the town is really underserved in terms of road and rail links. If you want to travel to or from Clacton by a main road, your only option is through the A12-A120 junction near Colchester- that means a route that’s usually riddled with delays. On rail, all but a couple of trains a day are the same hourly service to London Liverpool Street. This lack of options makes Clacton too inconvenient for many tourists and commuters – the first resulting in reduced income for the hospitality firms the constituency relies on, and the second resulting in a real shortage of dentists, doctors, and nurses for many of Clacton’s residents. The lack of dentists, doctors, nurses, and carers has been told to me consistently on the street and the doorstep during this campaign. Social care is particularly worrying to many people, given the patchiness in quality and coverage that’s available – Clacton’s would be a great beneficiary for one of the SDP’s proposed policies, a National Care Service that guarantees national resourcing for comprehensive social care. How would you sum up your campaign in three words? “You already agree.” The SDP’s mix of economic and social policies is pretty much bang-on the position of the average Brit. We believe in a strong state that takes on crime and criminals, controls the border, and takes real pride in our country. But we also believe the government must roll up its sleeves and invest in infrastructure, ensure care for the sick and old, and make sure that Britain protects its manufacturing sector and industry. What do you think of Andy Burnham as PM? I have no idea what Andy Burnham wants to achieve as PM. He’s not explained what he wants to do in real terms, and only speaks in terms of fuzzy platitudes and folksy PR spin. I think the Labour party is in a bind, and is incapable of fixing the troubles facing this country. Since 1997, the Migration Observatory has noted that total net migration has stood at 9.5mn people. That’s nearly 1 in 7 of the official population count. Simply put, you can’t have a social democratic state – or a nation-state with a basic sense of a shared culture or trust – if you allow mass migration of this scale to continue. The moment you suggest this, however, you’re met with shrill rage from the Labour backbenches. Open-border utopianism – and seeming contempt for their own constituents – seems to be a prerequisite for the Parliamentary Labour Party. But another prerequisite is an inability to do basic maths. Government debt is on an unsustainable trajectory, and one of the main drivers of this is an exploding entitlements bill. In real terms, the amount spent on the state pension per claimant has soared from £6,000 in 1997 to £10,800 in 2024. Spending on disability and incapacity benefit jumped from 1% of GDP in 1991 to over 2.5% of GDP in 2025. As a result, public sector net debt has exploded from 36% of GDP in 2007 to 95% in 2025 – it’s costing us up to £130bn per year just to service the interest of this higher debt, and that’s going to only grow unless we pull down unsustainable spending. But the Labour Party will not hear this, even if you’re suggesting reallocating this spending to things that will generate growth like railways, roads, or power stations. You can’t govern with such immature, unserious people. How do you differ from other candidates in Clacton? We’re the only national party with a developed political programme who are standing in this election, with a full manifesto at the last general election. We also have fully developed green papers on some of the major political topics of our time, like energy or the state of the public finances. Our main project is to offer real, fully-formed solutions to the challenges facing the country – motivated by our principle that the country should be led by a patriotic state. What are the main policies you would look to implement if you were the MP for Clacton? I’m under no illusion: as a single MP, you can’t really do much in a legislative sense in terms of bills passed. And neither can Nigel Farage, given his party currently has only a handful of MPs in the Commons. My job as MP Clacton would be to champion the policies that the people of Clacton voted for and that are in the SDP manifesto. However, the most important thing as an MP would be to hold the government’s feet to the fire at parliamentary debates, challenging their de facto uncontrolled system of mass migration, failure to invest in infrastructure, spinelessness to our radicalised judiciary, and inability to get the basics right on things like energy, water, and rail. In terms of particular policies, Clacton stands to benefit significantly from the SDP’s proposed National Care Service: a universal, comprehensive care service that will provide access to acute, nurse-led intermediate, and long-term care. For Clacton, with its larger share of older residents, a National Care Service would offer significant peace of mind for many households. What’s the best night out in Clacton? I’ve really enjoyed my meals at the Mangiare Ristorante at Frinton-on-Sea. It’s a great Italian restaurant: the food is fantastic and the team is incredibly friendly. In terms of drinking at the pub, I’ve had a lovely time at the Old Lifeboat House at Clacton-on-Sea. What would you tell President Trump if you could speak to him directly? I think he must ask himself what his priorities are and what he wants to achieve from his presidency. The Iran War is one of the worst disasters in American military history, and it happened entirely because of a complete failure by him to look at his intelligence brief or consider how it might impact the rest of his presidency. His failure and flip-flopping on tariffs is another case in point, as was his idiocy around the Greenland Annexation push. Trump seems to just do things because it feels good in the moment for his ego – if I had his ear for a moment, I’d tell him that if he wants any sort of legacy then he must reign this in immediately. What would your dream role be if you were asked to join the government? I’m campaigning as leader of the SDP party, so my dream role would be to serve as Prime Minister so we had full latitude to implement our policy platform. But if the SDP were asked into a coalition, and if the terms were right, then I would probably choose Housing Minister. I’ve enjoyed a forty-year career in town planning and commercial property development, so Housing would allow me to put my expertise to best possible use – and allow me to ideally oversee a proper resurrection of state housebuilding capacity. If you could change one thing about the UK more broadly, what would it be? An end to short-termism in public life. Building and maintaining a country is hard, and requires you to think in timeframes beyond a single election – it can take decades for the consequences of a decision to be felt. Mass media and social media both have compressed our timelines down to the order of weeks, days, and hours. Many people in public life aren’t interested in making the country better, but in taking part in a vapid never-ending circus of outrage and “gotchas”. These people must go.

Liang Wenfeng’s remarks at the investment meeting: DeepSeek did not start out to make money, go public, or chase the capital markets. It was a group of ordinary people driven by profound goodwill toward the world, wanting to do something useful for humanity. The company is vision-driven, with no formal organizational structure, KPIs, or performance evaluations. The vision is embodied in the way they work and their attitude toward the world; its core is restraint and goodwill. He repeatedly elaborated on “restraint”: the AI market is large enough (potentially 10% of human GDP) that monopoly is impossible—sharing is essential. Open-sourcing is part of both the vision and the business strategy, not something forced upon them. Open-sourcing does not hurt revenue because pricing aims only at a reasonable profit—recovering hardware costs in ten months (roughly a 6x return)—rather than maximizing profit. Demand is inelastic at higher prices; lowering prices made employees cheer because the goal is to make the technology affordable for more people. After open-sourcing, third-party deployment costs remain higher and cannot meaningfully challenge their own business. Last year’s consumer-side users and this year’s enterprise revenue are both by-products on the road to AGI; they have no intention of fighting for traffic or building a super-app. The long-term goal points clearly to AGI. The technical roadmap is clear: after the current Agent stage, the next step is continuous learning (allowing the model to adapt over long periods like a human), then the singularity of self-iteration, and finally embodied intelligence. Continuous learning is the key bottleneck; once solved, AI can accelerate the company’s own R&D, making the path much easier. The company sticks strictly to the main line (language models, CoT, Agents, etc.), declining to pursue video generation, world models, or other off-track directions, while remaining willing to help others. The sole core interest is team stability. Money and resources are not the problem—as long as the people stay, AGI will be achieved. The recent financing has substantially reduced this risk. The main gap with the United States is compute resources (currently about 20,000 H-equivalent cards, with aggressive expansion underway); the talent gap is small. The strategy is to buy as many cards as possible at reasonable prices and prioritize converting cash into GPUs. Domestic chips (Huawei) face a historic opportunity in the ecosystem; technologies such as TileLang can dismantle CUDA’s moat, with validation expected within a year. Organizationally, “official work” occupies no more than half of people’s time; the rest is left for individual exploration. There is little overtime, preserving a relaxed research culture. Commercialization has always been happening, but it is not the goal—focusing on AGI creates a dimensional advantage. Ultimate differences will lie in cost, timing, and user experience; China may carve out a place through lower costs and better experiences. The vision is restraint, sharing, and concentration on the main line, thereby increasing the probability of achieving AGI. Liang Wenfeng carries clear traces of quantitative trading: as a quant expert and the boss of a quant firm, he extracted substantial returns from market volatility and deeply understands that “excess returns are unsustainable” and that “excessive greed will eventually backfire.” This experience has been internalized into a character of “not competing and leaving profits for rivals”—he proactively open-sources top-tier architectures and models, prices only for reasonable cost recovery, explicitly refuses to fight for consumer traffic, avoids head-on competition with big tech, and is even willing to help Alibaba, Moonshot, and other competitors reproduce the technology. This is not feigned humility; it is the use of “restraint” as a strategic weapon: sacrificing short-term sesame seeds to secure the long-term watermelon and team cohesion. He is simultaneously pragmatic and idealistic: on the one hand he candidly admits “we are just a group of ordinary people” with low starting points and scarce resources; on the other he uses vision to unite people and maps a continuous-learning roadmap toward AGI. On the one hand he emphasizes that the company must still survive (enterprise revenue can provide a floor); on the other he treats profit maximization as a dead end that will be defeated by those who take less. His decision-making style is decentralized and consensus-driven, almost obsessive about team stability, yet aggressive in expanding compute—classic quant thinking: control the controllable risks and amplify asymmetric advantages. He can roughly be described as a calm, restrained, long-termist technological idealist: the caution of a market veteran and the pure spirit of a scientist converge in him. He neither fantasizes about monopoly nor shies away from commercial reality, always placing the achievement of AGI above personal and corporate interests. People who truly make money in the stock market eventually become different kinds of good people—donating, sharing, and practicing religion or charity.