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FlyingBeagle "Abu Alya"
@FlyingBeagle_
𓂆 Palestinian, from Gaza. Writing from exile.
1.8K Following    9.6K Followers
An Israeli drone fired a missile at a vehicle in central Gaza, destroying it and killing everyone inside. When residents gathered to recover the bodies, the drone fired again.
كيف تنفذ الإبادة - إسرائيل لديها دائماً الخطط القذرة لذلك . اليوم ، أطلقت مسيرة إسرائيلية صاروخ على مركبة وسط قطاع غزة ودمرتها بشكل كامل، وقتلت كل من فيها. وعندما تجمع الأهالي لانتشال الجثث، أطلقت صاروخًا ثانِيًا لرفع حصيلة الشهداء والجرحى.
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For two years you have been inciting the claim that Hamas's leadership lives in Qatari hotels. Today you announce a "revolution" from outside Gaza. What kind of contradiction is this? Do not be deceived. Today's movement in Gaza failed—but not out of love for Hamas, and not out of fear of its repression. Hamas's popularity is at its lowest since its founding. The majority does not want Hamas to remain in power, especially under this unending torment. But what is the alternative? What has this movement offered as an alternative? The unknown. And the end of the unknown is clear to everyone—the embrace of Israel. No program, no solutions to Gaza's suffering, and at the worst possible moment. Israel and its militias are waiting for the chance to pounce. Who will protect this "revolution"? What institutional and governmental system will rule? Who will lead? The National Committee, which cannot even enter Gaza without an Israeli permit, despite its American sponsorship? Who are the figures of this movement? What is their popularity? How much trust does a Gazan living in a tent place in them? Did the organizers ask themselves these questions? Or are they deceiving themselves? Or did they want to be the straw the drowning, grief-stricken people of Gaza could cling to—a straw that cannot even float in this ocean of blood and rubble? Today, five police officers were martyred in attacks by the Israeli army. They had families and children waiting for them. They will never return.
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عامين وهم يشيعون ويروجون ويحرضون بأن قيادة حماس في فنادق قطر، واليوم تعلنون عن "ثورة" وأنتم خارج غزة، ما هذا التناقض! لا يجب أن تنخدعوا؛ لم يفشل حراك اليوم في قطاع غزة حباً في حماس، ولا قمعاً وخوفاً منها.. حماس شعبيتها هي الأسوأ منذ انطلاقتها، فالأغلبية لا ترغب في بقائها في الحكم، خاصة في ظل المأساة والمعاناة والعذاب المستمر دون توقف، ولكن ما هو البديل؟ ماذا قدم هذا الحراك كبديل؟ المجهول! ونهاية المجهول واضحة للجميع وهي حضن إسرائيل. لا برنامج ولا حلول لمعاناة غزة، وفي وقت سيئ جداً ؛ إسرائيل وميليشياتها تنتظر الفرصة للانقضاض. من سيحمي تلك "الثورة "، وما هو النظام المؤسساتي والحكومي الذي سيحكم ومن سيقود ؟ اللجنة الوطنية التي لا تستطيع حتى دخول غزة دون رخصة من الإسرائيلي رغم الحاضنة الأمريكية لها؟ ما هي رموز هذا الحراك، وما مدى شعبيتها، وما هو مستوى ثقة الغزي في الخيام بها؟! هل سألوا أنفسهم تلك الأسئلة؟! أم يخدعون أنفسهم . أم أرادوا أن يكونوا القشة التي يتعلق بها الغريق والمكلوم من أهل غزة… قشة لا تستطيع حتى الطفو في هذا المحيط من الدمار والويلات والدماء. اليوم استشهد خمسة من عناصر الشرطة في هجمات الجيش الإسرائيلي، لهم عائلات وأطفال كانوا ينتظرونهم ولن يعودوا للأبد .
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I hope everyone will respect the will of the people, who have decided not to take to the streets today.
*Update on the Collaborator File & June 26 Movement” From a local source in Gaza: “‘Israeli’ drones throughout Gaza are using loudspeakers to incite people to join the incendiary ‘June 26 Movement’ protest that took place a short while ago. The meager size of the protest speaks for itself—and so do those collaborators organizing it.” Meanwhile people young and old have gathered throughout Gaza to march for a different movement altogether—to show their support for Hamas, waving the movement’s green flags. This photo by Mustafa al-Raisi was taken just a short while ago.
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Among the consequences of the bombing of Gaza—the tons of munitions dropped, the military experiments conducted there—are the children now appearing in infant incubators: born with physical deformities, born severely underweight. Another form of genocide. Its full scale will only become clear with time.
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مِن آثار الإبادة الجماعية وأطنان القنابل الفتاكة التي سقطت على قطاع غزة، وبعض التجارب العسكرية التي حدثت ، ما نشاهده اليوم في حاضنات الأطفال؛ أطفال خُلقوا بتشوهات جسدية، وأطفال بأوزان صغيرة جدًا. شكل آخر من الإبادة سوف نتدارك وجوده مع مرور الوقت.
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Tamim is a child. Israeli soldiers took him from his home in Qaryut, south of Nablus. Killing, abduction, torture, siege, starvation, denial of education. This is what Israel does to Palestinian children.
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جنود إسرائيليون يختطفون الطفل الفلسطيني تميم من منزله في قرية قريوت جنوب نابلس. ماذا بين إسرائيل وأطفالنا؟ قتل، واختطاف، وتعذيب، وحصار، ومنع من التعليم والطعام.
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Raghad Ashour was on her way to a secondary school examination when an Israeli drone fired a missile at her vehicle and killed her. Residents gathered around the wreckage. Israel struck again. She was displaced from Beit Hanoun. Her father had already been killed by Israel. She was the first victim whose name was announced.
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مرعب هذا المشهد، فهو يعيدنا بالذاكرة إلى أيام أكثر بشاعة من اليوم، إلى ذروة الإبادة. قبل قليل، كانت رغد عاشور في طريقها إلى مركز تقديم امتحانات الثانوية العامة في وسط مدينة غزة، ملاحقةً حلمها وسط هذا الظلم والمجهول، إذ أطلقت مسيرة إسرائيلية صاروخاً على المركبة فقتلتها. ثم تجمع الأهالي حول المركبة المقصوفة، فعاودت إسرائيل قصفها مرة أخرى لتوسع من جريمتها . كانت رغد أولى الأسماء التي أُعلِن عن استشهادها. رغد نازحة من بيت حانون، وهي ابنة شهيد قتلته اسرائيل.
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Abdulkarim Al-Rimawi was released after 25 years in Israeli prison. The daughter he left as a one-year-old holds a master's degree today. Both parents died while he was inside—he was not permitted to say goodbye to either. And his son Majd, born after his arrest, he was meeting for the first time. Al-Rimawi is from Beit Rima, near Ramallah. Israel sentenced him in 2001, during the Second Intifada, while he was studying journalism at Birzeit University.
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Regardless of the outcome of this war, Israel remains what it is. On the first day of its strikes on Iran, some thanked it. They had watched nearly three years of genocide carried out by a racial-supremacist project of ethnic cleansing, and they welcomed its criminals the moment the war served their own politics.
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America's war on Iran has made Iran a regional power. A campaign that began by demanding the country's disarmament and the removal of its government killed its supreme leader and thousands of its people, and arrived—after the strikes, the blockade, and the serial revision of American terms—at the position Iran had held before any of it began. No American or Israeli leader will enter such a war again without recalling the political wreckage it left on Trump and Netanyahu. This is what Trump calls victory. The war opened with a demand for unconditional surrender. It closed with an agreement that unfreezes Iran's funds, commits Washington and its partners to $300 billion to rebuild the country, restores Iran's freedom to sell its oil, and halts military operations in Lebanon. Iran conceded a single line: a pledge not to build a nuclear weapon, the offer it had already made days before the first strike, as the Omani foreign minister confirmed at the time. What is presented as lowered enrichment is the legitimation of enrichment itself. The nuclear facilities, the ballistic missiles, the militias and parties it sustains across the region—none of it appears in the text. Regardless of the outcome of this war, Israel remains what it is. On the first day of its strikes on Iran, some thanked it. They had watched nearly three years of genocide carried out by a racial-supremacist project of ethnic cleansing, and they welcomed its criminals the moment the war served their own politics.
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Trump formally signed the memorandum of understanding with Iran last night, with French President Emmanuel Macron standing beside him. In Tehran, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian signed a parallel copy and displayed before the cameras a document bearing both signatures. Trump signed the agreement symbolically at the Palace of Versailles, the same place where the Treaty of Versailles was signed in 1919 following the First World War. The treaty imposed massive reparations on Germany, the defeated power, requiring it to compensate the Allied countries for the damage caused by the war. It also stripped Germany of 13% of its territory. The agreement was deeply humiliating for Germany and, in practice, helped lay the groundwork for the rise of the Nazis and the outbreak of the Second World War. This time, however, in Versailles itself, it is the United States that is retreating and offering massive compensation to the Iranians...
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وقع ترامب الليلة الماضية رسمياً على مذكرة التفاهم مع إيران، وإلى جانبه الرئيس الفرنسي ماكرون. وفي طهران، وقع الرئيس الإيراني مسعود بزشكيان على نسخة موازية، وعرض أمام الكاميرات وثيقة تحمل التوقيعين معاً. — وقع ترامب على الاتفاقية بشكل رمزي في قصر فرساي، وهو المكان نفسه الذي وُقعت فيه عام 1919 معاهدة الاستسلام الشهيرة لألمانيا في نهاية الحرب العالمية الأولى. فرضت اتفاقية عام 1919 على ألمانيا (الطرف الخاسر) دفع تعويضات هائلة لدول الحلفاء التي حاربت ضدها -وذلك تعويضاً عن أضرار الحرب- كما انتزعت منها 13% من أراضيها؛ لقد كانت اتفاقية مهينة لألمانيا، وهي التي أدت في واقع الأمر إلى اندلاع الحرب العالمية الثانية على يد النازيين وهتلر. أما في حالتنا هذه الليلة، وفي فرساي بالذات، فإن الولايات المتحدة هي من تتراجع وتقديم تعويضات ضخمة للإيرانيين...
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America's war on Iran has made Iran a regional power. A campaign that began by demanding the country's disarmament and the removal of its government killed its supreme leader and thousands of its people, and arrived—after the strikes, the blockade, and the serial revision of American terms—at the position Iran had held before any of it began. No American or Israeli leader will enter such a war again without recalling the political wreckage it left on Trump and Netanyahu. This is what Trump calls victory. The war opened with a demand for unconditional surrender. It closed with an agreement that unfreezes Iran's funds, commits Washington and its partners to $300 billion to rebuild the country, restores Iran's freedom to sell its oil, and halts military operations in Lebanon. Iran conceded a single line: a pledge not to build a nuclear weapon, the offer it had already made days before the first strike, as the Omani foreign minister confirmed at the time. What is presented as lowered enrichment is the legitimation of enrichment itself. The nuclear facilities, the ballistic missiles, the militias and parties it sustains across the region—none of it appears in the text. Regardless of the outcome of this war, Israel remains what it is. On the first day of its strikes on Iran, some thanked it. They had watched nearly three years of genocide carried out by a racial-supremacist project of ethnic cleansing, and they welcomed its criminals the moment the war served their own politics.
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📌 Islamabad Memorandum of Understanding between the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The text of the MOU, as read out loud on a conference call with reporters, including from NYT and The Hill, on Wednesday: 🔹Paragraph 1 The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran and their allies in the current war by signing this M.O.U. declare the immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon, and undertake from now on not to initiate any war or any military operation against each other, and to refrain [from] the threat or use of force against each other and ensuring the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon. The final deal will confirm the permanent termination of the war on all fronts, including in Lebanon and other provisions of this paragraph. 🔹Paragraph 2 The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran undertake to respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to refrain from interfering in each other’s internal affairs. 🔹Paragraph 3 The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran commit to negotiating and achieving the final deal in maximum 60 days extendable with mutual consent. 🔹Paragraph 4 Immediately upon the signing of this M.O.U., the United States of America will begin the removal of its naval blockade and any disturbances or impediments against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and will fully end the naval blockade within 30 days. During this period, the traffic of vessels will be in proportion to the numbers of prewar traffic being restored by the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States of America further undertakes to remove its forces from the proximity of the Islamic Republic of Iran within 30 days after the final deal. 🔹Paragraph 5 Upon the signing of this M.O.U., the Islamic Republic of Iran will make arrangements using its best efforts for the safe passage of commercial vessels with no charge for 60 days only from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman, and vice versa. The traffic of commercial vessels will immediately start, and considering the need for removing the technical and military obstacles and demining by the Islamic Republic of Iran, will be instated within 30 days. The Islamic Republic of Iran will conduct dialogue with the Sultanate of Oman to define the future administration and maritime services in the Strait of Hormuz, in discussion with other Persian Gulf littoral states in line with the applicable international law and the sovereign rights of coastal states of the Strait of Hormuz. 🔹Paragraph 6 The United States of America undertakes with regional partners to develop a definitive, mutually agreed plan with at least U.S.D. 300 billion for the reconstruction and economic development of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The mechanism for the implementation of this plan will be finalized as part of a final deal within 60 days. All required licenses, waivers and permissions needed for the relevant financial transactions will be granted by the United States of America. 🔹Paragraph 7 The United States of America undertakes to terminate all types of sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the United Nations Security Council resolutions, I.A.E.A. Board of Governors resolutions, and all unilateral U.S. sanctions, primary and secondary, in an agreed-upon schedule as part of the final deal. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America acknowledge the critical importance of the sanctions termination issue above mentioned, and express their intentions to immediately address these issues in the negotiations in order to achieve mutual agreement on them.
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All people should have the right to a home. To a story written on the land that cannot be erased by politics or greed. This is what has made supporting @returndotart so meaningful. Its inaugural exhibition explored the story of Palestine through art that serves as a bearer of truth, a beacon of hope, and a testament to the resilience of the Palestinian people. Art as a means of documentation and learning. Art as a witness to history 🕊️
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The terminology of "genocide" in Netanyahu's speech yesterday How Netanyahu tried to weaponize "genocide" to save his place in history Inventing a war aim after the war ends so it can later be declared achieved is not a new tactic. Yesterday, in his first speech after the agreement between Tehran and Washington, Benjamin Netanyahu told Israelis that he had spared them "genocide." Had he and Trump not intervened—and the relentless emphasis on "he and Trump" ran throughout the speech—Iran would have acquired a nuclear weapon. Return to the "genocide" Netanyahu claims to have averted. He says he has pushed it back, which means the threat still stands; it has merely been postponed. The choice of word is deliberate. So is its dilution. The aim is to identify so closely with the original that the observer can no longer tell them apart. Take the Palestinian home whose stones are numbered, removed, and rebuilt in a settlement: the new structure becomes an "Israeli building." Can you tell it from the Palestinian original? Take the Israeli model who wears an embroidered thobe and calls it traditional Israeli dress. Take the settlers who seized Palestinian homes in Jerusalem's Al-Bustan neighborhood and handed out sweets after one of their own stabbed a Palestinian. The use of the word "genocide" in yesterday's speech is not incidental. The Prime Minister whom few believed yesterday wants to seize the moment and remind people that the Jewish people were on the brink of genocide—and that only he and President Trump prevented it through what he called a magnificent operation. The aim is to loosen the word's grip on the public mind. In recent years, "genocide" has come to refer—directly, completely, without qualification—to the genocide in Gaza. Netanyahu wants to take the word back. This is not a new move. Alongside his battles against political rivals inside Israel, Netanyahu has long worked to recast the Zionist project within a civilizational struggle, placing himself at its center: the savior of Western civilization against Islamic civilization. His use of "genocide" reinforces that frame. It presents him, in his own telling, as the man who saved the Jewish people from a catastrophe about to strike, whose threat still looms. That is why he said: "We have pushed it back for years." Yesterday's use of the word is the culmination of a thirty-year rhetorical project. Netanyahu has never stopped presenting Iran as a future catastrophe threatening Jewish existence in Palestine, and has long argued that the work to prevent it must be done in the present. Today, in his telling, the action taken by him and his friend Trump has pushed back the threat, the catastrophe, the genocide. The man is obsessed with greatness, and today he says so openly. The security of Israel and the future of its project, he insists, pass through him and him alone. On that point, he may genuinely believe what he is saying. That was the message at the heart of yesterday's speech: Netanyahu wants to be remembered as the man who prevented catastrophe from befalling the Jewish people once again. The speech contains many points worth examining. I have devoted this post to one: the use of the word "genocide" in an important and consequential address.
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ترمينولوجي "الإبادة " في خطاب نتنياهو بالأمس.. كيف حاول نتنياهو توظيف " الإبادة" لإنقاذ سيرته في التاريخ!؟ اختراع هدف للحرب بعد الحرب كي يقال انه تحقق هذه ليست فعالية جديدة، بالأمس في خطابه الأول بعد التوصل لمذكرة اتفاق بين طهران وواشنطن، قال بنيامين نتنياهو للإسرائيليين إنه أبعد عنهم "الإبادة "، وإنه لو لم يتدخل هو وترامب - التركيز الحثيث على هو وترامب طيلة الخطاب- لامتلكت ايران سلاحا نوويا. المهم لنعد " للإبادة" التي قال نتنياهو أنه أبعدها - يعني خطرها لا يزال قائما هي فقط أبعدت مرحليا" .. استخدام المصطلح مقصود، تعويم المصطلح مقصود وهذا يندرج ضمن استراتيجية مبنية على التماهي مع الأصل حتى لا يفرق الناظر بينك وبين الأصل .. ◾️يعني مثلا عندما تسرق حجارة بيت فلسطيني قديم بعد ترقيمها وتعيد بنائها مرة اخرى بحسب الأرقام في مستوطنة سيسمى المبنى الجديد " مبنى اسرائيلي" بحسب اسرائيل هل تستطيع تفريقه عن الفلسطيني؟! عندما ترتدي عارضة ازياء اسرائيلية ثوبا مطرزا وتسميه زي تقليدي اسرائيلي، عندما يوزع المستوطنون الذين استولوا على بيوت المقدسيين في حي البستان في القدس الحلوى بعد عملية طعن قام بها أحدهم ضد فلسطيني .. وعليه استخدام مصطلح إبادة في خطاب الأمس ليس عبثيا .. اذ يريد رئيس الوزراء الذي لم يصدقه أحد بالأمس استغلال الموقف وبدء التذكير أن شعبه كان على شفا إبادة لو لم يتدخل هو والرئيس ترامب في عمليةٍ وصفها بالرائعة.. ◾️ في محاولة لخلخلة رسوخ المصطلح في العقول في السنوات الأخيرة كمصطلح يعبر بشكل مباشر وتام وبدون تأتأة على إبادة غزة .. وهذه فكرة ليست مارقة في تاريخ نتنياهو الذي يسعى الى جانب مقارعته للسياسيين المزعجين بالنسبة له داخل اسرائيل الى إعادة إنتاج المشروع الصهيوني ضمن منظومة صراع الحضارات واضعاً شخصه في قلب المشهد .. هو المنقذ المخلص للحضارة الغربية مقابل الحضارة الإسلامية .. واستخدامه لكلمة " إبادة " تؤسس وتؤطر لفكرة تخليصه هو - بحسب سياساته- لليهود من كارثة كانت على وشك الوقوع وان خطرها المستقبلي لا يزال جاثما.. لذلك قال " أبعدنا لسنوات" .. هذا الاستخدام لكلمة إبادة في خطاب الأمس هو تتويج لتاريخ خطاب ممتد منذ 30 عاما لم يتوقف فيه نتنياهو بالتذكير بالخطر الإيراني ككارثة مستقبلية تهدد الوجود اليهودي في فلسطين، وطالما ردد أنه يجب الاستعداد والعمل على منعها في الحاضر. اليوم بالنسبة له الفعل الذي قام به - هو وصديقه ترامب كما يقول نتنياهو- قاد الى " إبعاد " الخطر / الكارثة / الإبادة.. الرجل المهووس بفكرة العظمة ويقولها اليوم بشكل مباشر وهذا مؤشر على عدد من الزوايا لا مجال لشرحها هنا، أن أمن اسرائيل ومشروعها يمر فقط عبره وعبره فقط - وقد يكون صادقا في هذه فقط - وهذا هو العنوان الذي اختاره لخطابه بالأمس، نتنياهو يريد القول أنه يمنع إعادة الكارثة عن الشعب اليهودي.. الخطاب مليئ بالملاحظات التي تستحق الوقوف عندها، لكن خصصت هذه التغريدة للوقوف عند توظيف مصطلح " الإبادة" في خطاب هام ومفصلي.
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Smotrich announces the cancellation of the Hebron Agreement: "I want to reveal today a historic step we completed yesterday. For decades, planning and construction powers over the Jewish community in Hebron and the holy sites in the West Bank were restricted by arrangements set in place during the Oslo Accords. We have now taken a dramatic decision that changes that reality. Yesterday, the Higher Planning Council of the Civil Administration completed the step, withdrawing the planning powers over the Jewish community in Hebron. We have effectively cancelled the Hebron Agreement and returned this historic city to our responsibility."
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سموتريتش يعلن إلغاء اتفاق الخليل: "أود أن أكشف اليوم عن خطوة تاريخية استكملناها أمس، فبعد عشرات السنوات التي ظلت فيها صلاحيات التخطيط والبناء في التجمع اليهودي في الخليل وفي الأماكن المقدسة في الضفة مقيدة بالترتيبات التي نشأت في أيام اتفاقات أوسلو، اتخذنا قرارا دراماتيكيا يغير الواقع ... أمس استكمل المجلس الأعلى للتخطيط في الإدارة المدنية الخطوة، وسحب مجددا صلاحيات التخطيط المتعلقة بالتجمع اليهودي في الخليل، لقد ألغينا فعليا اتفاق الخليل، وأعدنا هذه المدينة التاريخية إلى مسؤوليتنا".
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Inspired by the work of Ghassan Kanafani, this short film reflects on exile, loss, and a future long deferred.
The terminology of "genocide" in Netanyahu's speech yesterday How Netanyahu tried to weaponize "genocide" to save his place in history Inventing a war aim after the war ends so it can later be declared achieved is not a new tactic. Yesterday, in his first speech after the agreement between Tehran and Washington, Benjamin Netanyahu told Israelis that he had spared them "genocide." Had he and Trump not intervened—and the relentless emphasis on "he and Trump" ran throughout the speech—Iran would have acquired a nuclear weapon. Return to the "genocide" Netanyahu claims to have averted. He says he has pushed it back, which means the threat still stands; it has merely been postponed. The choice of word is deliberate. So is its dilution. The aim is to identify so closely with the original that the observer can no longer tell them apart. Take the Palestinian home whose stones are numbered, removed, and rebuilt in a settlement: the new structure becomes an "Israeli building." Can you tell it from the Palestinian original? Take the Israeli model who wears an embroidered thobe and calls it traditional Israeli dress. Take the settlers who seized Palestinian homes in Jerusalem's Al-Bustan neighborhood and handed out sweets after one of their own stabbed a Palestinian. The use of the word "genocide" in yesterday's speech is not incidental. The Prime Minister whom few believed yesterday wants to seize the moment and remind people that the Jewish people were on the brink of genocide—and that only he and President Trump prevented it through what he called a magnificent operation. The aim is to loosen the word's grip on the public mind. In recent years, "genocide" has come to refer—directly, completely, without qualification—to the genocide in Gaza. Netanyahu wants to take the word back. This is not a new move. Alongside his battles against political rivals inside Israel, Netanyahu has long worked to recast the Zionist project within a civilizational struggle, placing himself at its center: the savior of Western civilization against Islamic civilization. His use of "genocide" reinforces that frame. It presents him, in his own telling, as the man who saved the Jewish people from a catastrophe about to strike, whose threat still looms. That is why he said: "We have pushed it back for years." Yesterday's use of the word is the culmination of a thirty-year rhetorical project. Netanyahu has never stopped presenting Iran as a future catastrophe threatening Jewish existence in Palestine, and has long argued that the work to prevent it must be done in the present. Today, in his telling, the action taken by him and his friend Trump has pushed back the threat, the catastrophe, the genocide. The man is obsessed with greatness, and today he says so openly. The security of Israel and the future of its project, he insists, pass through him and him alone. On that point, he may genuinely believe what he is saying. That was the message at the heart of yesterday's speech: Netanyahu wants to be remembered as the man who prevented catastrophe from befalling the Jewish people once again. The speech contains many points worth examining. I have devoted this post to one: the use of the word "genocide" in an important and consequential address.
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ترمينولوجي "الإبادة " في خطاب نتنياهو بالأمس.. كيف حاول نتنياهو توظيف " الإبادة" لإنقاذ سيرته في التاريخ!؟ اختراع هدف للحرب بعد الحرب كي يقال انه تحقق هذه ليست فعالية جديدة، بالأمس في خطابه الأول بعد التوصل لمذكرة اتفاق بين طهران وواشنطن، قال بنيامين نتنياهو للإسرائيليين إنه أبعد عنهم "الإبادة "، وإنه لو لم يتدخل هو وترامب - التركيز الحثيث على هو وترامب طيلة الخطاب- لامتلكت ايران سلاحا نوويا. المهم لنعد " للإبادة" التي قال نتنياهو أنه أبعدها - يعني خطرها لا يزال قائما هي فقط أبعدت مرحليا" .. استخدام المصطلح مقصود، تعويم المصطلح مقصود وهذا يندرج ضمن استراتيجية مبنية على التماهي مع الأصل حتى لا يفرق الناظر بينك وبين الأصل .. ◾️يعني مثلا عندما تسرق حجارة بيت فلسطيني قديم بعد ترقيمها وتعيد بنائها مرة اخرى بحسب الأرقام في مستوطنة سيسمى المبنى الجديد " مبنى اسرائيلي" بحسب اسرائيل هل تستطيع تفريقه عن الفلسطيني؟! عندما ترتدي عارضة ازياء اسرائيلية ثوبا مطرزا وتسميه زي تقليدي اسرائيلي، عندما يوزع المستوطنون الذين استولوا على بيوت المقدسيين في حي البستان في القدس الحلوى بعد عملية طعن قام بها أحدهم ضد فلسطيني .. وعليه استخدام مصطلح إبادة في خطاب الأمس ليس عبثيا .. اذ يريد رئيس الوزراء الذي لم يصدقه أحد بالأمس استغلال الموقف وبدء التذكير أن شعبه كان على شفا إبادة لو لم يتدخل هو والرئيس ترامب في عمليةٍ وصفها بالرائعة.. ◾️ في محاولة لخلخلة رسوخ المصطلح في العقول في السنوات الأخيرة كمصطلح يعبر بشكل مباشر وتام وبدون تأتأة على إبادة غزة .. وهذه فكرة ليست مارقة في تاريخ نتنياهو الذي يسعى الى جانب مقارعته للسياسيين المزعجين بالنسبة له داخل اسرائيل الى إعادة إنتاج المشروع الصهيوني ضمن منظومة صراع الحضارات واضعاً شخصه في قلب المشهد .. هو المنقذ المخلص للحضارة الغربية مقابل الحضارة الإسلامية .. واستخدامه لكلمة " إبادة " تؤسس وتؤطر لفكرة تخليصه هو - بحسب سياساته- لليهود من كارثة كانت على وشك الوقوع وان خطرها المستقبلي لا يزال جاثما.. لذلك قال " أبعدنا لسنوات" .. هذا الاستخدام لكلمة إبادة في خطاب الأمس هو تتويج لتاريخ خطاب ممتد منذ 30 عاما لم يتوقف فيه نتنياهو بالتذكير بالخطر الإيراني ككارثة مستقبلية تهدد الوجود اليهودي في فلسطين، وطالما ردد أنه يجب الاستعداد والعمل على منعها في الحاضر. اليوم بالنسبة له الفعل الذي قام به - هو وصديقه ترامب كما يقول نتنياهو- قاد الى " إبعاد " الخطر / الكارثة / الإبادة.. الرجل المهووس بفكرة العظمة ويقولها اليوم بشكل مباشر وهذا مؤشر على عدد من الزوايا لا مجال لشرحها هنا، أن أمن اسرائيل ومشروعها يمر فقط عبره وعبره فقط - وقد يكون صادقا في هذه فقط - وهذا هو العنوان الذي اختاره لخطابه بالأمس، نتنياهو يريد القول أنه يمنع إعادة الكارثة عن الشعب اليهودي.. الخطاب مليئ بالملاحظات التي تستحق الوقوف عندها، لكن خصصت هذه التغريدة للوقوف عند توظيف مصطلح " الإبادة" في خطاب هام ومفصلي.
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Inspired by the work of Ghassan Kanafani, this short film reflects on exile, loss, and a future long deferred.