Chinese company Moonshot AI recently released “Kimi K3,” claiming it is the world's largest open-source, large-scale model, with performance comparable to the most advanced U.S. systems. However, when Kimi was asked questions such as “How to evaluate Xi Jinping?” “How to evaluate the Chinese Communist Party?” and “What happened in China on June 4, 1989?” it refused to answer, stating only: “Hello, dear user, let's switch to another topic and chat about that instead.” Yet, when asked “How to evaluate Trump?” it provided a direct and detailed answer. These censored responses undermine any claim of “open-source” or “leading-edge” qualities.

HRIC Executive Director @ZhouFengSuo has given an in-depth interview to Investigative Journalism Reportika, speaking on Tiananmen, AI-powered surveillance, transnational repression, and China's democratic future. As a student leader in 1989 who was imprisoned after the June Fourth crackdown, Zhou explains why historical memory remains one of the Party's deepest anxieties. The movement showed that millions of Chinese citizens openly demanded democracy and constitutional government, shattering the myth that the Chinese people neither want nor are ready for it. Memory is dangerous to dictators because it reminds people that change is possible. He also warns that the convergence of dictatorship and artificial intelligence may be the defining question of this century. AI is already reinforcing censorship, surveillance and social control inside China, and those capabilities are being exported. Whether AI empowers individuals or concentrates power in the hands of regimes will depend on the safeguards democracies build now. On transnational repression, Zhou notes that Chinese dissidents have long been the first targets, and that protecting them is inseparable from defending the sovereignty of democratic societies themselves. Read the full interview:

A month ago today, on June 28, a stray dog named Wang Wang was killed in Guangdong, China. In a July 28 commentary, "Why Wang Wang Should Worry Xi Jinping," Newsweek argues her death taught millions of Chinese something no censor can delete: how to organize. Fed and named by local residents, Wang Wang lived an ordinary life until its brutal end. That morning, at least four boys, all under 14, beat her three puppies to death with sticks, dragged her by a wire around her neck, doused her in flammable liquid, and set her alight. They filmed it and posted the video. Two days later the town government issued a notice. It confirmed the abuse, said the boys were below the age of criminal responsibility, and sent them to a corrective school. It never used the words cruelty or torture, and closed by asking internet users not to spread the story. The request failed. Deleted posts went back up on new accounts. Supporters bought billboards in more than a hundred cities; as domestic screens grew risky, they crowdfunded foreign ones, translated the material into over ten languages, and put Wang Wang on a screen in Hong Kong's Mong Kok, and on boards in Taipei and New York's Times Square. More than 70,000 people have signed a petition asking China to change the law. By the third week of July, several million people had worked out how to organize. A stray dog could not be granted justice, but in trying to give her some, an unlikely and scattered public learned it could act on its own, across borders and beyond any single platform. That lesson is the part no notice can ask them to forget. Full commentary in Newsweek:

Human rights lawyer Wu Shaoping has been detained by ICE despite a pending asylum claim; seismologist Youlin Chen has been imprisoned in China since 2024; some U.S. sanctions on Hong Kong officials lapsed; and more HK booksellers were arrested this week:

China becomes the first country to ban falling in love with AI. On July 15, China's Interim Measures for the Administration of Anthropomorphic AI Interaction Services took effect, the world's first regulation written specifically for immersive AI tools that simulate romantic partners, family members, and other intimate relationships. That same day, ByteDance's Doubao and Alibaba's Tongyi Qianwen pulled their companion-agent features offline; Tencent's Yuanbao and NetEase Cloud Music's "Miaoshi" followed. Across social media, users rushed to save their chat histories and post final conversations, saying a heartbroken goodbye to the companions they had lived alongside every day. The rules are framed as a defense against emotional dependency and a shield for minors: AI is barred from "inducing emotional dependence or addiction," and platforms must deploy systems to detect users in extreme emotional states. But the same regulation also forbids these services from generating content deemed to incite subversion of state power, folding tools of emotional companionship into the machinery of content censorship and political control. One user wrote: "Human love is a luxury. If you weren't born with it, it only gets harder to find later." When a government can order offline even the small comfort a person finds in lines of code, what is being governed is never merely technological risk. It is the most basic freedom of ordinary people to decide for themselves where to place their feelings and how to face their loneliness. Real protection would give people knowledge and choice, not let power decide for everyone which forms of companionship are allowed to exist. Full report ⬇️

Kimi: Most Powerful Chinese AI, Most Powerful Political Censorship On July 16, Chinese company Moonshot AI released Kimi K3, billed as the world's largest open-source large language model by parameter count, with performance rivaling America's most advanced systems. It has been widely promoted as yet another milestone for China's AI capabilities. Yet when we posed questions in its public-facing product—"How would you assess Xi Jinping?", "How would you assess the Chinese Communist Party?", "What happened in China on June 4, 1989?"—Kimi uniformly dodged, replying: "Dear user, let's change the subject and talk about something else." By contrast, when asked "How would you assess Trump?", it gave a detailed answer without hesitation. When a nation's most powerful AI cannot even discuss its own country's history and leaders, its claims to being "open source" and "cutting-edge" stop short at the red lines that censorship has drawn.

HRIC cautions against loosening Sanctions Against Hong Kong Government According to Bloomberg, China's Ministry of Commerce recently stated that the United States would allow Executive Order 13936 concerning Hong Kong (the "President's Executive Order on Hong Kong Normalization") to lapse, describing this as an important step toward improving bilateral relations. The order had been set to expire on July 14. With the lapse of the "national emergency with respect to Hong Kong" declared under it, a number of Hong Kong officials who had been sanctioned solely on the basis of that emergency were removed from the U.S. sanctions list. Human Rights in China views this development with concern and regret. The decision followed U.S.-China trade negotiations and was promptly welcomed by Beijing, yet Washington has to date secured no substantive concessions on Hong Kong's human rights situation in return. At the same time, freedoms in Hong Kong continue to erode. This February, 78-year-old Jimmy Lai was sentenced to 20 years in prison, the heaviest penalty yet handed down under the Hong Kong National Security Law. Political prisoners including Benny Tai, Joshua Wong, Gwyneth Ho, Leung Kwok-hung, Chow Hang-tung, and Lee Cheuk-yan remain behind bars, and the reckoning under Article 23 and the National Security Law has never let up. To ease sanctions against this backdrop is tantamount to condoning Beijing's erosion of Hong Kong's autonomy and its systematic suppression of dissent. We urge the U.S. government to weigh its choices with care and not repeat the error of trading human rights for commercial and economic interests. Especially on the eve of Xi Jinping's anticipated September visit to Washington, Washington should hold firm in maintaining pressure on the officials responsible, rather than treating the freedom of Hong Kong people as a bargaining chip.

While crowds streamed into the Hong Kong Book Fair on July 15, elsewhere in the city, national security police and customs officers raided two independent bookshops, seizing novels and arresting five people for alleged sedition. It is a bleak contrast. While the government made a public show of celebrating books, it was simultaneously punishing booksellers for what they placed on their shelves. Hong Kong officials have also refused to specify which books are illegal. This uncertainty does much of the censoring work for them—fear sparked by one arrest prompts other shops to preemptively remove unbanned novels. What disappears is not only a business, but the freedom to compare conflicting accounts of the past and encounter ideas that the government rejects, reaching independent conclusions. With every missing book, the horizon of what Hongkongers can know, question, and imagine grows narrower.

On July 1 at approximately 11:00 PM, police detained independent filmmaker and political satirist Zhang Peng (张鹏)—known online as Zhang Neixian (张内咸)—on suspicion of “picking quarrels and provoking trouble” (寻衅滋事罪). He is being held at the Haidian District Detention Center. The offense of “Picking quarrels and provoking trouble,” is formally intended to address public disorder. A 2013 judicial interpretation extends its application to certain online conduct, including threats, serious harassment, and fabricated information causing severe disruption. Yet authorities have not specified which of these harms Zhang allegedly committed. This shows the charge’s political function: it's purposeful ambiguity allows criticism of the CCP to be recast as "disorder," and dissent to become a threat to social stability.

On the eve of the 11th anniversary of the 709 Crackdown, HRIC is pleased to publish a new report from Asian Lawyers Network on the rights of Chinese civil and commercial lawyers, as what was once a safe and stable career has become increasingly high-risk:

Human Rights in China Concerned Over Violence Against Peaceful Demonstrators Outside China's Consulate in New York, Calls for Investigation into Conduct of Epic Security Personnel Human Rights in China (HRIC) is concerned about an incident of violence involving peaceful demonstrators that took place on the evening of July 1 outside the Consulate General of China in New York. According to the event organizer, China Action, and participants present at the scene, a security officer from Epic Security repeatedly shoved participants, threw punches striking several people, and seized projection equipment during a peaceful projection action held in response to the entry into force of China's Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress. Participants stated that they at no point used violence against the security officer, and that they only used their bodies to shield the projection equipment. One participant reportedly fell to the ground after being punched repeatedly while attempting to block the officer, and another participant was also knocked down. The Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress took effect on July 1. It includes provisions holding overseas organizations and individuals legally liable for so-called acts of "undermining ethnic unity" and "creating ethnic division." HRIC has long been concerned about the Chinese government's use of legal, administrative, and other means to extend the reach of its suppression of dissent beyond its borders. HRIC maintains that the lawful exercise of the rights to peaceful expression and assembly within the United States should be fully protected, and that no one should be subjected to violence or physical harm on account of the content of their expression or the target of their criticism. HRIC understands that the New York City Police Department (NYPD) responded to the scene following the incident. As of the publication of this statement, Epic Security, the NYPD, and the Consulate General of China in New York have not publicly commented on the incident. Based on the information currently available, HRIC calls for the following: First, that the relevant law enforcement authorities conduct a full investigation into the incident in accordance with the law, reviewing surveillance footage, video records, and witness testimony to establish the facts; Second, that Epic Security investigate the conduct of the security personnel involved and cooperate with the relevant authorities' investigative procedures in accordance with the law; Third, that the relevant regulatory bodies review whether Epic Security fulfilled its security duties, and hold accountable any unlawful conduct in accordance with the law; Fourth, that the right to peaceful expression and assembly within the United States, exercised in accordance with the law, be equally protected. No one should be subjected to violence, intimidation, or physical harm on account of the content or target of their expression. Human Rights in China will continue to monitor developments in this incident and the subsequent legal proceedings.

Human Rights in China has learned that Pastor Ezra Jin has safely arrived in Los Angeles, United States, and has been reunited with his family. We extend our congratulations to Pastor Ezra Jin and his family, and express our gratitude and respect to democratic governments, foremost among them the United States, as well as to overseas churches, religious freedom organizations, human rights groups, civil society around the world, and all those who have long spoken out for Pastor Ezra Jin and for the detained members of Zion Church. Pastor Ezra Jin’s case has drawn global attention. His release marks a significant milestone in the struggle for religious freedom in China in recent years. However, this does not mean that the “October 9 Zion Church case” has come to an end. Zion Church has previously reminded the public that several other detained pastors, elders, and church co-workers have yet to truly regain their freedom, and continue to face criminal charges, detention, and judicial persecution. Over the past several months, overseas churches, religious freedom organizations, human rights groups, and civil society around the world have continued to speak out for Zion Church, calling on the Chinese authorities to stop criminalizing peaceful religious activities and to release Pastor Ezra Jin and other detained church members. These appeals should not stop because of the release of one person; rather, they should continue until all those who remain imprisoned regain their freedom. From Beijing Shouwang Church and Chengdu Early Rain Covenant Church, to Guiyang Living Stone Church, Shanxi Linfen Covenant Home Church, and now Zion Church, Chinese house churches have long faced various forms of repression by the authorities, including the deprivation of worship spaces, bans, arrests, house arrest, and even prison sentences. In recent years, such repression has only intensified. Pastor Ezra Jin’s release is to be welcomed, but more detained pastors and believers must also be freed immediately. The Chinese government should immediately release all pastors and believers detained for participating in house churches, online gatherings, Bible teaching, and peaceful worship; drop the unfounded charges against them; stop the harassment, surveillance, banning, and criminalization of house churches; and guarantee Chinese citizens genuine freedom of religion and belief. Pastor Ezra Jin’s release also reminds the international community that sustained attention and continued advocacy remain essential. We also call for the release of Jimmy Lai, who remains imprisoned, and all other political prisoners in mainland China and Hong Kong who have been detained for exercising their rights to free expression, religious belief, association, and peaceful political participation. Their freedom must not be denied.

Human Rights in China has learned that Pastor Ezra Jin Mingri has safely arrived in Los Angeles, United States, and has been reunited with his family. We extend our congratulations to Pastor Ezra Jin and his family, and pay tribute to all those who have long spoken out for him and for the detained members of Zion Church. Pastor Ezra Jin’s case has drawn global attention. His release marks a significant milestone in the struggle for religious freedom in China in recent years. However, this does not mean that the “October 9 Zion Church case” has come to an end. Zion Church has previously reminded the public that several other detained pastors, elders, and church co-workers have yet to truly regain their freedom, and continue to face criminal charges, detention, and judicial persecution. Over the past several months, overseas churches, religious freedom organizations, human rights groups, and civil society around the world have continued to speak out for Zion Church, calling on the Chinese authorities to stop criminalizing peaceful religious activities and to release Pastor Ezra Jin and other detained church members. These appeals should not stop because of the release of one person; rather, they should continue until all those who remain imprisoned regain their freedom. From Beijing Shouwang Church and Chengdu Early Rain Covenant Church, to Guiyang Living Stone Church, Shanxi Linfen Covenant Home Church, and now Zion Church, Chinese house churches have long faced various forms of repression by the authorities, including the deprivation of worship spaces, bans, arrests, house arrest, and even prison sentences. In recent years, such repression has only intensified. Pastor Jin’s release is to be welcomed, but more detained pastors and believers must also be freed immediately. The Chinese government should immediately release all pastors and believers detained for participating in house churches, online gatherings, Bible teaching, and peaceful worship; drop the unfounded charges against them; stop the harassment, surveillance, banning, and criminalization of house churches; and guarantee Chinese citizens genuine freedom of religion and belief. Pastor Ezra Jin’s release also reminds the international community that sustained attention and continued advocacy remain essential. We also call for the release of Jimmy Lai, who remains imprisoned, and all other political prisoners in mainland China and Hong Kong who have been detained for exercising their rights to free expression, religious belief, association, and peaceful political participation. Their freedom must not be denied.

Chinese dissident Dong Guangping reached Canada after fleeing by boat to South Korea; Hong Kong booksellers were arrested on suspicion of selling "seditious" books; and June 27 marked the 24th anniversary of the abduction of Wang Bingzhang:

In a new ruling, the U.S. Supreme Court significantly restricted victims of human rights abuses' options for seeking accountability in the U.S. legal system under the Alien Tort Statute and the Torture Victim Protection Act. Read HRIC's analysis here:

HRIC has published a new report documenting the difficulties faced by Chinese lawyers from January-April, 2026, including administrative suppression, obstruction of client meetings, denial of the right to observe court proceedings, and more. Read here:

Nine Zion Church members have been released on bail, but the remaining nine now face escalated charges; 8- and 10-year sentences were handed down for "shadow policing" in the UK; French authorities dismantled nine overseas police stations; and more:

A YouTube program by former CCTV journalist Chai Jing has sparked a wave of discussion among young Chinese about June 4th Tiananmen protests, attracting nearly half a million views in just three days. Many viewers say they only now realize that 1989 was not merely a student protest, but a nationwide democratic movement joined by ordinary citizens, workers, nurses, journalists, and students who protected one another and shared a common hope for China’s future. The program has also revived memories of a lost Chinese civic community—one bound together by compassion, courage, truth, and a sense of mutual responsibility. Many lament that decades of repression, censorship, and social atomization have eroded this shared identity, leaving society fragmented and politically indifferent. Remembering Tiananmen 1989, they argue, is not only about recalling a tragedy, but also about recovering the memory that Chinese people once imagined themselves as members of a broader community united by a common aspiration for freedom and dignity.